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Pacific Journalism Review 22 1 - "Endangered Journalists". Del Manalo Abcede Proof reading: Dr David Robie Cover montage photographs: West Papua Johnny Blades 13 2. Distant, disconnected and in danger: Are educators doing enough to prepare students for frontline freelance risks? Alexandra Wake 52 5.

A foreign flower no more: Tongan diasporic media and the Tongan election Philip Cass 93 7. The end of hypocrisy: Online activism and ethno-political conflicts Georgios Terzis 8. FOI scholarship reflects a return to secrecy Greg Treadwell 9. New Caledonia and Vanuatu: Differences defined in a student reporting venture into the Pacific Lee Duffield Malcolm Ross, journalist and photographer: The perfect war correspondent?

Interrogating power and disrupting the discourse about Onslow and the gas hubs Kayt Davies and Karma Barndon 2. The Rainbow Warrior, secrecy and state terrorism: While the edition layout was being prepared, remarkable events were hap- pening in West Papua and elsewhere in Indonesia this year around the historically significant anniversary date of 1 May —fifty-three years after a United Na- tions Temporary Executive Authority UNTEA handed power over the former Dutch colony in West New Guinea to Jakarta with a mandate to rule until such time as the Papuan people decided on their future in a free vote.

It demonstrated without a doubt the compelling popular support among Papuans for self-determination and how this has been steadily growing stronger over the past half century, partly fuelled by recent social media campaigns by solidarity groups around the globe. It also called for an internationally supervised referendum in Papua. Her motion won unanimous cross-party support Robie, While this opened up some light on developments in West Papua for a New Zealand audience—Stevanon managed an intriguing report on an aid-funded kumara production project in the Highlands—they were still stage-managed media visits in many respects.

The situation in West Papua is fast approaching a tipping point. In less than five years, the position of Papuans in their own land will be worse than precarious. They are already experiencing a demographic tidal wave. Ruthless Indonesian political, economic, social and cultural domination threatens to engulf the proud people who have inhabited the land they call Tanah Papua for thousands of years. Despite an announcement in May by President Widodo that journal- ists would have free access to West Papua, media access is still restricted.

There is no freedom of expression. West Papuan human rights are also not protected. Throughout , the Indonesian security forces have targeted young people in particular, all of whom have been unarmed. Journalists and fixers working there are liable to be arrested. At the same time, many poorly paid journalists accept bribes in return for positive coverage. The Indonesian authorities effectively block foreign media from reporting in the two provinces by restricting access to those with official government approval, which is rarely granted.

The few journalists who do gain permission are closely monitored by govern- ment agents, who control their movements and access to local residents. It particularly condemned the Jayapura police for preventing reporters from covering a peaceful demonstration in support of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua on May 2—ironically, the eve of World Press Freedom Day. Ardi Bayage, a journalist working for the Suarapapua. It is highly appropriate then that two of the articles in this PJR collection should deal with human rights and freedom of expression violations in West Papua.

On the ground, it is a risky business for a journalist covering West Papua. He concludes with some optimism for the future as global attention grows: She says media educators need to also pay more attention to risk-assessment skills, including sufficient pre-deployment training. The framing of asylum seekers in the Australian news publications The Aus- tralian and The Guardian Australian Edition during their coverage of the riots at the Manus Island processing centre, Papua New Guinea, in February , is the topic of the next article.

Writing about this framing, Katherine Ellis, Janet Fulton and Paul Scott of the University of Newcastle found major differences in the framing of the riot by both newspapers and a ban by the Australian Department of Immigration and Border Protection on journalists having access to the centre was also influential in the reporting.

However, in contrast to other research about his role, this article examines his less-known work as a pho- tographer. The last edition of PJR did not feature any Frontline reports, the section edited by Professor Wendy Bacon and featuring journalism as research, but this issue carries two such reports. The other Frontline section features the Rainbow Warrior, secrecy and state terrorism and how an iconic act of French state terrorism in inspired a major microsite—a community-driven collaborative project in with a specialist Pacific community publisher.

The final research articles in the edition feature an examination by Ruth Callaghan of the challenges and opportunities provided by the news curation tool Storify in a journalism school newsroom, and a study by Trevor Cullen and Ruth Callaghan of an Edith Cowan University journalism pilot collaboration with the West Australian AIDS Council comprising media training and education programmes to share model frameworks about sexually transmitted diseases.

This edition will be edited by associate editor Philip Cass as David Robie will be on research leave.


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  4. Michael Porter: Close to the Ground (Cv/Visual Arts Research S Book 82).
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It will also be published later than the usual second semester edition time, coming out in December. A report on a human rights fact finding mission to West Papua. Retrieved on May 3, , from https: Freedom of the press: Retrieved on May 21, , from https: Pricking our national conscience. Retrieved on May 21, , from www. West Papua and visas. Retrieved on May 21, , from http: Conflict reporting in the South Pacific: A critical reflexive approach to Timor-Leste and West Papua. Media Asia, 40 2 , Watching this space, West Papua Commentary: Some journalists decided to have another attempt at getting into this region, long cordoned off to outside access.

The labyrinthine process of applying for a journalist visa was a warning that change does not happen overnight for West Papuan media freedom. Local independent journalists, especially, face regular threats. The attackers are empowered by the knowledge that there is no formal accountability processes over intimidation and the murder of journalists or media workers.

The handling of journalists and media freedom in West Papua is very much a test case for this. International media organisations rightly praised the move, although some were possibly rather too quick to uncork the cham- pagne. The Pacific Freedom Forum enthused that years of pressure were finally starting to pay off: It seems that the word has finally gone out from Jakarta to the military thugs in Jayapura and beyond—leave the media alone.

PFF, But generally the optimism was tempered with caution. The Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno, explained that foreign journalists seeking permits to cover Papua would be screened, monitored and forbidden from certain areas presumably the Highlands. Clearing house It had been standard Indonesian government practice to deny that there was a ban on foreign media in West Papua.

This was technically true, but in reality, securing permission to go to Papua was exceedingly rare as it required approval from 12 separate state agencies, including the military, which met each week at a Clearing Committee managed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to consider such applications.

The clearing house process had been in effect since the early days of the Suharto rule and proved most convoluted to negotiate. Bachelard, a Jakarta correspondent, went to Papua twice and produced a series of incisive articles. Other foreign journalists went via the riskier route of entering West Papua without permits to work. In August , two French journalists working for German television channel Arte, Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat, were arrested in West Papua when found by police to be working without a permit in the Highlands. Their swift detention in Jayapura immediately seized interna- tional headlines.

In the end the pair were given a two and a half month jail sentence. Rohan Radheya is a Dutch journalist who has visited West Papua several times in recent years to work undercover, spending time with the OPM Free Papua Movement as well as political prisoners. His work resulted in the documentary film Melanesian Dreams Apro productions, Despite the huge personal risk he took, Radheya was mindful of the risk for Papuans he met and interviewed. Despite the announcement by President Widodo who is known widely as Jokowi about the lifting of the ban on foreign journalists, Radheya was skeptical about the prospects for improvement.

If anything, he felt Indonesia was seeking to exert more control over foreign journalists who visited Papua, monitoring and restricting movement, including meeting with the opposition in rural areas. And that is exactly the problem: They get away with it too. So these are actually the hotspots where the security forces, the military, are committing the most human rights violations.

In this, his policy has not been too dissimilar to his predecessor, Yudhoyono. However, it has quickly become clear that Jokowi is taking a different approach on West Papua by travelling more frequently to the remote region to take a hands- on approach to development, including efforts to actually listen to Papuans. The most visible gestures he has made include talking about opening up media access and freeing political prisoners.

Many of these reports have been hard to verify, hence the need to have better access to the region to produce accurate reports about claims of atrocities and other serious matters. Indonesian diplomats have claimed that security risks in West Papua made it too dangerous for foreign journalists to venture there. However, this simply does not stack up with assertions by Jakarta that Papua is a peaceful region where it is making significant efforts to foster economic development for the indigenous people to participate in.

One of their criti- cisms was that New Zealand media had a negative perception about the country. It was probably a fair call, but this imbalance was not for want of trying. Making contact with Indonesian government officials or security forces spokespeople in Papua has long been a problem because of the remoteness of the place, its patchy telecommunications and the language barrier. There is also a defensiveness that Jakarta exhibits around Papua-related matters which is not easily traversed from afar.

We wanted to hear and see their side of the story, if only they would let us. After all, I was interested to see some of the efforts to nurture economic development in Papua which I had read so much about in Indonesian media in recent years. I had previously been declined for a visa to West Papua. However, after the May announcement, I decided to give it another attempt. The process was still convoluted. My fraught experience of the application process may serve as a use- ful example of how Indonesia currently handles media freedom and journalism in West Papua. The place that sends you mad The complex process of applying for a journalist visa as well as for a permit to shoot video for my colleague Koroi Hawkins and I, led me in and out of the Indonesian Embassy in Wellington half a dozen times through the bitter winter of The embassy official assured me of his help in applying for a permit to Papua, but was keen to first build a friendship, or trust, as he put it.

So there were several meetings with cups of tea and discussions about New Zealand media perceptions of Indonesia.

I declined, preferring to focus on Papua. Getting hold of people in Papua and pinning them down months in advance for an interview was challenging. A lot of e-mails and phone messages were dis- patched through intermediaries, but there were few replies. I noted that Papuan church figures were usually good communicators; Indonesian officials less so— perhaps because their grasp of English tended to not be as good as the Papuans.

It sometimes took a month to get answers, so it seemed a minor victory when I received a signed letter from the Governor of Papua province, Lukas Enembe, endorsing our visit. Still, the official at the embassy felt I would need more let- ters to get over the line. Among the people I hoped to interview were leading Indonesian government and security forces figures. I made no headway with the police or military, but I managed to get through to one of the key Jakarta people, Judith Dipodiputro, a sort of special envoy for President Jokowi on community development in Papua.

It had been relatively easy to contact Dipodiputro via WhatsApp, an app favoured by many in Indonesia. Over the phone she agreed to be interviewed, due to the fact that she would probably be in Jayapura the same time as our planned trip there. That seemed straightforward enough. When I included her name on our submission, the official at the Indonesian Embassy said that I would need a letter of recommendation from Dipodiputro in order to get an interview.

I went back and tried to contact Dipodiputro, but she was busy. Things drifted for a few weeks before I received a message from her to contact her assistant in Jakarta to request the interview. Through him, I learned that a letter of recommendation was needed from my manager at RNZI before Dipodiputro could produce a let- ter from her end: Next, I was asked for interview questions to be sent in advance. I did as required, although a letter of recommendation from the Indonesian side was not forthcoming.

This seemed strange, given the jour- nalistic nature of our planned trip. It was not some commercial piece. Contacts in Jakarta believed there was still some confusion about the directive from President Jokowi that foreign media were to be given access to Papua. There were no clear instructions on how this was to be implemented. An unwieldy network of ministries and state agencies with different agendas simply kept operating as they had long done.

He was worried too about being held responsible for helping RNZ International in case it did further harm. His job could be on the line, the official suggested. We finally heard from the embassy official that he had sent the papers off to Jakarta for the application to be considered by the committee and it was only a day later that we heard back that our journalist visas were approved.

But then things got complicated with the BKPM. When it transpired that our man at the embassy had not sent off our application for a video permit until shortly before we were due to go to Papua, I started to get worried. Abplanalp and Stevanon had been told they had to travel to Jakarta to personally pick up their video permit. Otherwise, they would have probably flown via Denpasar, Bali. The embassy official, who had offered to send through the papers for our video permit appli- cations, said that it might be possible to not have to travel to Papua via Jakarta, and recommended I organise a friend or colleague to pick up the permit from the BKPM in the Indonesian capital and then send it to me.

I therefore organised an expatriate New Zealand journalist who I knew who was living in Jakarta to do this pick-up. But when the time came to collect the permit, the agency told him it did not have enough information about the purpose of our planned visit to Papua to give approval. This required more exchanges and in the meantime the BKPM started asking my contact in Jakarta questions about the aim of our plans. This man was in fact merely picking up the permit as a functionary and was not privy to our reporting plans. Yet suddenly he was in the firing line. I was aghast at the thought of implicating him through our reporting.

There was no secret agenda on our part, but I felt another layer of pressure being built into the Papua trip. The official spoke about our applications needing to go through proper channels, but there were so many of them and they were so inefficient. Regarding the elusive video permit, our friend at the embassy said not to worry, that it was just communication issues between the BKPM and the Foreign Ministry. I took it that his late despatch of our papers had been part of this.

Presumably we could have done it this way all along. Mandarins had merely complicated everything. Throughout the bureaucracy there seemed to be suspicion that foreign journalists were some sort of destabilising agents.

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The main bor- der access point at Wutung is tightly guarded by Indonesian military. It is the same land but the differences between Papua New Guinea and West Papua come sharply into focus as you cross over to the western side, especially the presence of military and police. Without permission, we were not allowed to film or pho- tograph the security forces. My earlier communications to seek interviews with the regional commanders had fallen short. But they knew we were coming. Shortly before we had arrived, local journalists in Jayapura had a briefing from police and military about foreign journalists.

He was doing more than any other West Papua journalist in recent years to cover the wider Pacific region and to bring the stories of Papuans to the wider Pacific region. He had travelled to New Zealand in lobbying for support for freedom of media access to Papua Majavu, At the Jayapura briefing, police had warned about local agents working on behalf of foreigners. Mambor, a veritable interface to West Papua for us foreign journalists, had no doubt that they were referring to him.

Yet Mambor was not so much anti-government as pro-Papuan, chiefly concerned with disinterring West Papuan stories that were otherwise veiled by a Jakarta-spun version of events. Jakarta, he knew, was keeping an increasingly close watch on international coverage. We expected in advance that intelligence agents would be watching our steps. Sure enough, each morning in Jayapura I opened the curtains in the hotel room and noticed a couple of men in the square, keeping an eye on us. I came to expect them, and when I waved, they waved back. In West Papua, we met a good range of people: Papuans and non-Papuans; government officials, people on the street, fishermen, public servants, the political prisoner Filep Karma.

Some were cautious about speaking on tape. However, the situation in West Papua is not set in stone. The old stereotype of the Papuan freedom fighter waging jungle warfare against the Indonesian state is less useful these days. There is an emerging generation more focused on advancing the Papuan cause through peaceful means, including social empower- ment.

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There are plenty of non-Papuans who also want a non-military solution. Media freedom is a testing ground for this, with the likes of Victor Mambor on the front line. I work for my people here, I deliver the truth. Sometimes because we wrote the story of what West Papua wants, we get stigmatised by the authorities, especially police and military. One of my journalists was killed in Merauke.

Then last month, one of my journalists got shot at So this is conflict land. I know the risk, but we have a commitment to facing the risks. Young journalists have the same conviction as me. She told me working in West Papua carried risk. The Tabloid Jubi office in Jayapura, Papua. False information spreads readily throughout Papua. Bribing journalists is relatively common. However, it is clear that Indonesia can no longer control the flow of information in West Papua the way it used to.

Social media has witnessed the mushrooming of West Papua solidarity amid busy information feeds carrying grisly reports of abuses from Papua. The growing international interest in Papua is something Jakarta is scrambling to manage. Jokowi and his core team at least seem to have realised that cordoning off West Papua to outside journalists appears repressive.

They made a stop in Papua which was found to be among the most concerning parts of the republic, media freedom-wise. While in Papua, we had a brush with police, when we went to a provincial volleyball tournament that the Papua Governor was formally opening. The place was crawling with police, perhaps because both the Papua police and military commanders were also in attendance. We were there to interview Governor Enembe, but police quickly swooped on us to check our papers. They told me we had failed to report to the police upon entry to Papua.

I explained that the Indonesian Embassy had assured me there was no requirement to do this. Besides, the command already knew about our presence because I had been communicating with Waterpauw in patchy Bahasa by text message a few days earlier, trying unsuccessfully to tee up an interview with the head policeman. But while things were in limbo at the stadium, police and undercover personnel hovered around me, one of them making bizarre conversation with me, asking if I read the Bible; another gesturing shooting actions.

It was intimidating stuff. The visit to West Papua was just a glimpse, but it was most instructive Blades, a. My admiration for independent journalists based in Papua has only grown. The step taken by President Jokowi to ease restrictions on media access in Papua was a welcome move.

However, he is something of a lone figure on this, beholden to leading elements in his party and the parliament. It is felt by some Jakarta insiders that the president has not issued clear enough instructions on the media issue. Different ministries appear to be unsure of the change of process, or are determined to delay and frustrate foreign media applications because that is how it has always been done. To add to the confusion, the security forces—which are beyond civilian control in Papua—have their own ideas.

Meanwhile, Jakarta has refused Cyril Payen another visa to return to Papua and at the time of writing, I had just received the first communication in months from the official at the Indonesian Embassy in Wellington. He emailed a question- naire on perceptions within New Zealand about Indonesia. The bid for greater understanding of each other continues. Media restrictions on Papua: Antara News , May Jokowi administration opens foreign media access to Papua. Retrieved on February 27, , from www. November 8, a, November 8.

Jakarta cautiously lifts veil in West Papua. Dutch journo confronts dangerous task of reporting in Papua.

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Retrieved on February 27, , from https: The twelve tasks of Asterix. Harsono, A, , January Retrieved in February 27, , from http: Correspondence with the author. Retrieved on February 27, , from http: Interview with the author, Jayapura, Papua. Papua promise a win for press freedom — PFF. In the lead up to Fiji General Election in September , there was an air of positivity among media workers that despite the difficulties since the military takeover in December —including the imposition of the Media Industry Development Decree in —their operating environment would possibly be easing.

The Fiji Sun, which had chosen in after the abolition of the Constitution to change its stance, adopting an editorial policy unabashedly partisan towards the Voreqe Bainimarama-led govern- ment, opened up its pages to all political parties and candidates giving them relatively free rein to comment on the political landscape as they saw it.

However, not long after the much-hailed return-to-democracy election it became clear that the reappearance of media vibrancy and plurality would not happen overnight. The author critically examines the post-election climate and draws on his personal experience as a Fiji news media editor. The media still had to contend with the realities of doing business under the Media Industry De- velopment Decree.

To its credit, for example, the Fiji Broadcasting Corporation and other media organisations have continued to report the drawn-out court appearances of local government min- ister Parveen Kumar Bala who was accused of causing the death of a woman in by dangerous driving. But that has been an exception and news often breaks on social media long before it is picked up by mainstream media outlets.

The media decree created the regulatory body called the Media Industry Development Authority MIDA , which looms large over media organisations and workers. This is easier said than done in a country with a media work- force that consists of a large proportion of young people who have grown up in the difficult media operating environment and have never seen other journalists regularly holding power to account or the official narrative openly challenged.

This leaves MIDA and its officials at liberty to define what they see as the public interest and to declare when it has been breached. In the nine years since Voreqe Bainimarama has been in power, the media landscape has changed profoundly—for the better in some ways, but in many aspects, such as in investigative journalism, the change has been regressive Robie, Fiji had been an independent country for 17 years when it suffered its first coup in Prasad, and Professor Wadan Narsey have been advocating for free media in Fiji. The media and the election Before the election, there was an air of positivity among media workers.

The Constitution, promulgated in , was often quoted for its Bill of Rights provisions that guaranteed—albeit with claw-back clauses—freedom of speech, expression and publication Section The proliferation of critical voices in the mainstream media and on social media contributed to a sense of euphoria that Fiji was returning to democratic rule.

Despite a hour blackout on political reporting, advertising and discussion on any form of media before polling day, the period passed without any major issues reported inside Fiji. However, Raj said he did not trust screenshots as evidence of such a breach and did not pursue the matter Perrottet, A prominent proponent of the genre is Kunda Dixit, the Nepali Times editor- in-chief who views development journalism as a tool for the vigorous examina- tion in a nuanced fashion of issues confronting communities and countries, not merely an account of development issues.

He believes development journalism can and should be applied locally as well as scaled to an international level Dixit, Hemant Shah , attempting to advance the understanding of the concept, argues that journalists should play an activist role within new social movements in the process of national development. In short, deliberative journalism should be contextual, balanced and truthful The media were given an ultimatum: The harsh reaction of the regime to media organisations and journalists deemed non-compliant was often enough to keep them onside; several media outlets and personalities had before then and since been made examples of.

The first two chairmen were both pro- fessors of literature and while they had articulated their vision for an industry under the new media law, they maintained a largely low profile. Raj took up the position in October at the same time as Akauola was promoted from media member to director of MIDA.

Raj, a In the course of the news conference Raj announced that freelance journalists and foreign media trainers in Fiji would also need to register themselves with the authority. It leaves the question: The first major issue involving a local media company came in early April , when Fiji TV broadcast a speech by a chief about ethnicity in Fiji.

Just a day after the formal complaint from the Ministry of Information, Raj announced his ruling in a news conference before even Fiji Television was informed of the decision. In the first of its kind in a long time in Fiji, issues about media freedom and self-censorship were brought to the fore in a two-and-half hour discussion. Raj reiterated his pledge to defend media freedom as long as journalists maintained their ethics. No media organisation was cited for or found guilty of breaching the hour blackout rule on election-related reporting and advertisements until the close of polling at 6pm on election day Naleba, Raj based his criticism on a brief report with paraphrased comments published on the Pacific Media Centre website without the benefit of context from the full statements made at the conference.

The meeting was considered a positive step and there was some hope that Raj would be able to influence amendments to the media decree in the new Parliament. The charges of annoyance against Raj were dropped the next month. A somewhat unexpected event involving Raj and the Fiji Sun came the fol- lowing month.

This was a curious incident because just two months previously, Raj had been af- forded considerable space in the newspaper to criticise the opinions of other media personalities about the state of media in Fiji. Left unasked and unan- swered after this debacle was what his reversal meant for the other decisions that he had reached in a similar manner against other media organisations. Apart from the MIDA ruling on hate speech, Fiji TV had between and functioned on a broadcast licence granted for only six months at a time.

Its main competitor, on the other hand, the government- owned Fiji Broadcasting Corporation, had secured a year licence when it launched its TV service in From , when its exclusive licence came to an end, Fiji TV operated on a knife edge, its staff petrified of getting on the wrong side of government for fear the broadcaster might lose its operating licence. Several of its editorial staff had in previous years already been side- lined or forced out by government pressure over perceived biases or slights.

In May of that year, the Attorney-General and Minister for Communications, Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum had promulgated a decree called the Television Cross Carriage of Designated Events Decree which purported to ensure all Fijians could view important national events on free-to-air television. World Rugby cut the feed to Fiji TV saying there was no prior consultation by the Fijian government about the impact of the decree and that Fiji TV would breach its contractual obligations by sharing the feed as the decree insisted Field, There was uproar and consternation in Fiji, the likes that even politics rarely generates.

Crisis meetings followed between government and TV officials as well as World Rugby representatives. There was defiance from top Fiji TV executives, ultimatums from the Attorney-General and finally the sackings by a compliant Fiji TV board of its chief executive officer Tevita Gonelevu and head of content Tanya Waqanika.

A month later, the sacked pair called a news conference where they laid bare the events that led up to their firing. They accused the Attorney-General of interfering in the functioning of Fiji TV, a listed company, by sending demands direct to the board chairman. They also claimed he had misled Parliament earlier over the dispute, an allegation that had also been raised by an opposition MP in Parliament. A few months later, the Speaker ruled the Attorney-General had not misled Parliament. The evisceration of Fiji TV continued into In August when the govern- ment for the first time amended the media decree in Parliament, one of the changes was to allow foreign ownership of pay TV in Fiji.

Attorney-General Sayed-Khaiyum revealed this in Parliament before the stock market was informed so Fiji TV had to rush a market announcement out after it had been broadcast on live TV. The deal with Digicel was finally concluded in March , when it received a year licence. Exclusive government advertising Perhaps one of the most economically effective ways the Fijian government as- serts its influence over mainstream media in Fiji is through advertising-spend.

Long before it put out a tender in August , it was a de facto policy of gov- ernment that it would only advertise with outlets it deemed to reflect its own values. The Fiji Sun and FBC were two of the more prominent outlets that had benefited early on from this policy by raking in major money through govern- ment advertising.

The Fiji Times would occasionally receive advertisements from government departments or statutory bodies, but following the results of the tender announced in December , this will no longer be the case. The tender would probably not have been called if it was not for the opposi- tion MP, Professor Biman Prasad moving a motion in Parliament in July calling on the Minister for Communication Sayed-Khaiyum to review his decision to grant exclusive advertisements because it breached the Constitution. A surprising addition was rugby magazine Teivovo, which also publishes a newly launched general interest publication called Niu- wave.

Media feeling its way back In outlining the issues facing the Fijian media industry, it is not to say that there have been no improvements. The media decree has arguably brought about a sense of responsibility although this has been used to sometimes stifle genuinely news- worthy reports and the media are now aware of the power they wield and how this power can be misused.

They will need to work around numerous barriers to provide the public with the information, ideas, analysis and discussion that they deserve in order to understand the new Fiji that is taking shape. Retrieved 15 February , from http: Political writing from a decade without a name. Media Freedom Day panel discussion [Livestream recording]. Uni- versity of the South Pacific. Raj hits out at media critics. Fiji Sun questions Raj ruling, calls in lawyers. Retrieved 2 February , from http: UN Human Rights Council. Retrieved 14 February , from www. World Rugby pulls plug on sevens TV coverage in Fiji.

Re- trieved 7 February , from www. MIDA chief faces court. Retrieved 2 February , from www. Combining detached watchdog journalism with de- velopment ideals: An exploration of Fijian journalism culture. International Com- munication Gazette, 77 6 , — Community informatics and the power of participation. Pacific Journalism Review, 13 2 , 29— Fiji media authority and Pacific media watchdog go head to head [Radio].

Fiji media authority complains about ABC reporter. Measuring the information society report: Bonapartism in the South Pacific: The Bainimarama govern- ment in Fiji. Media Industry Development Authority. PFF calls on Fiji media authority to pull back from extending restrictions. Fiji ICT case study. International Tel- ecommunications Union. Inaugural Pacific press freedom report pp. International Federation of Journalists. Retrieved 2 February , from hwww.

Level the media playing field. Retrieved 8 February , from www. Retrieved 7 February , from www. News values in three Pacific nations: Unpublished Master of Communication Studies thesis. Auckland University of Technology. Is our democracy really working? Retrieved 15 February , from www. South Pacific media, politics and education. Media and development in the Pacific: In Media and development: Why development or peace journalism?

The real issue is inde- pendent Pacific journalism. Retrieved 18 December , from https: Goverment expands coverage of important televised events with new decree. Modernization, marginalization, and emancipation: Communication Theory, 6 2 , — Rethinking journalism for supporting social cohesion and democracy: The University of Queensland. Government amends cross carriage decree. Raj hits back at Australia. Retrieved 2 Febru- ary , from www. To regulate or not: The Journal of Pacific Studies, 35 2 , 89— Tension between ABC and Fiji media body sees training project cancelled.

Citizen media and civil resistance in West Papua Abstract: Citizen media has played an essential role in this trans- formation. In , when the Indonesian military massacred more than unarmed West Papuans in Biak Island, it took weeks and months to get the news out. Few journalists were willing to risk travelling into the country to get the story out.

In January West Papua remains an occu- pied colony. For four days they sang hymns, prayed, danced, hoisted the Morning Star flag and demanded freedom. Protest leader Filep Karma stressed that he was en- gaged in a bold experiment Karma, ; see also Karma, I said that Papuans must fight peacefully…. I then told the people that my objective in raising the Morning Star flag at the Biak water tower was to tell the world that the Papuan nation desires to be free.

No one sees it. But if you [raise the flag] in the town a lot of people can see it including the media and automatically the story gets disseminated globally. When I raised the Morning Star flag in Biak no one had ever done it. No one had kept the flag flying for 24 hours. Now we managed to do that. We kept the flag flying for four days.

In in Biak City, Karma and his compatriots were under the opinion that if they raised the Morning Star flag and kept it flying for at least 24 continuous hours then the United Nations would intervene and West Papua would become an independent state. Indonesian politicians understood the power and value of sym- bols and rituals. Openly allowing expressions of Papuan sovereignty was not a view they were prepared to tolerate. In the days leading up to 6 July Indonesian troops had been gathering in Biak City. Three warships—at least one of which was sold to Indonesia by the then East Germany government— and C Hercules planes, the kind of aircraft the Australian government eagerly donated to Indonesia, brought in heavily armed troops—Hassanuddin Company from Sulawesi and Pattimura from Ambon, two neighbouring pro- vinces.

Local villagers from the surrounding hamlets were press ganged into militias and told to arm themselves with sharp implements. Agus , a West Papuan primary school student at the time, remembers what happened: On the first day of the demonstration we heard people on the street.

At that time I did not understand what they were shouting about. We just followed the people to the tower. People were praying and singing. I saw a different flag flying from the top of the tower and I was really surprised. There were so many people and lots of police. The police saw us in our school uniforms. They told us to go back to school then they took us back to school. When the principal saw us he was angry.

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He said if anyone goes to the tower they will get a penalty. On July 5 the headmaster closed the school but we had to stay because we were living at the school. The only other person at the school was a school security guard. No one went outside. No one went to the market. The headmaster and the teachers just told us to stay at school for our own safety.

People everywhere were preparing to leave but we did not know what was happening…. The massacre was on a Monday. The night before—Sunday and the following morning—we heard everything. Our school is surrounded by a big fence. So when the army moves we can hear everything. On the Sunday night we could hear heavy boots running beside the fence. We could not see but we could hear. We were so scared. We just sat there terrified, crying, listening to the sound of heavy boots running close to where we were. At that time we thought something would happen and we were really afraid.

We just sat there hugging each other. Around 4 am or 4. It was before dawn. We sat there in that room in the school hugging each other and crying. The shooting kept going. I was one of the youngest. The oldest was around We did not know what to do except shed tears. When the shooting stopped my older brother came round to pick me up. About two blocks from the Tower a woman ran up to the car begging for help. She was covered with blood.

My brother quickly helped her get into the back of the car. When I turned around he told me not to look at her. About a week later when I was back in East Biak I heard my parents tell of fishermen who were pulling up bodies in their nets…. After a month we went back to school. The headmaster forbids us to talk about what happened on that day.

Two of our friends had disappeared. Their names are Johanes Orboy and Hermanus Fakdawer. They were both twelve years at the time. They were my friends but we never knew what happened to them and I did not dare ask. We just had to keep these things inside and leave them there. McWilliams saw the bullet holes, chest high; pock marks over the water tower McWilliams, It is not known how many died that day and in the days that followed.

Some esti- mate over one hundred. Many Biak islanders who witnessed it say in excess of people were killed that day and in the days that followed. No independent investigation has ever taken place. None of the mass graves dotted around Biak have been exhumed so the missing have not been accounted for and the dead have not been given a proper burial.

Like other human rights atrocities such as the bloodletting after the coup, the Indonesian government refuses to even acknowledge what happened. The truth—just like the truth of what happened in so many other places in West Papua, such as Paniai in the mids, the Baliem Valley in , Abepura in , Wamena in and , Waisor in , Enarotali in —has been buried.

Much worse—unimaginable horror—was yet to come. Tieneke Rumkabu, who was caught up in the army attack when she took coffee to the protesters under the tower, testified to a quasi-legal citizens tribunal at Sydney University in about how she was imprisoned and tortured by police Biak Tribunal, They threw me onto a truck….


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  • We were tortured with weapons—they make a cut on my hands and burn me with cigarettes. They cut with a sharp bayonet, then they pour acid. When I scream they burn me with cigarettes on both hands…. They brought candles and they burn the candles. They put it inside, into my vagina. I saw one of my friends, Martha, who was also tortured with the candles…. They put a bayonet in her neck and then in the vagina and also cut off her breasts and beheaded her….

    They also hit another woman with a bayonet and then cut off the neck and also the breasts of the woman. Eight women were killed and they let four of us stay alive…. I hide in the forest, the jungle, for two months. When Tineke Rumkabu came out of the jungle she was arrested again and thrown in jail. The massacre may have occurred many years ago but the sur- vivors are still being harassed.

    When I travelled to Biak in January I met with some of the survivors of that massacre. They had formed a support group, United for Truth Bersatu untuk Kebenaran , and had begun advocating not just for themselves but for survivors of other human rights violations in West Papua as well. We had just fifteen minutes together before immigration and police intelligence raided the meeting.

    They did not want us to talk to the survivors. We know this from the pictures Dr Eben Kirksey, a US anthropologist, took from his hotel window at the time. Many of those still alive were then killed. The bodies were mutilated then thrown overboard. In the days following July 6, corpses and many body parts washed up on the beaches of Biak. Irene Dimara, now a refugee living in Cairns, Australia, told me a fisherman found her brother, Dance Korwa: Instead they claimed that the corpses were from the 17 July tsunami, the epicentre of which was off Aitape on the north coast of Papua New Guinea, more than kilometres from Biak.

    However, the bodies that washed ashore did not wash up elsewhere in West Papua. One wit- ness described a cadaver clothed in a Golkar shirt an Indonesian political party. Many questions remain unanswered about it. Human Rights Watch also sent an undercover reporter but still there are substantial gaps. Further evidence, compiled during The Biak Massacre Citizens Tribunal that took place in Sydney fifteen years after the massacre, includes testimony from survivors, witnesses, journalists and investigators. It is the Biak Massacre, its horror, the colluding silence in the domestic and international press; the complicity of Western powers who continue to train and arm the Indonesian military and police; the opportunistic avarice of the foreign corporations who exploit Papuan resources, giving nothing but crumbs in return; and the determination of Papuans to resist the occupation that sharpens Papuan resistance.

    Papuan Spring The fact that the post-Suharto state responded so decisively with the Biak Mas- sacre was a rude awakening to those moderate West Papuan leaders who hoped that human rights violations and repression in West Papua would end with the demise of Suharto and his New Order. After a series of discussions with high-ranking Indonesian politicians and bureaucrats, known as the Jakarta Informal Meetings, a team of people called Team were invited to Jakarta for a special meeting with the then Indonesian President B J Habibie in February The purpose of the meeting was to discuss West Papuan grievances and a process of resolution.

    Prior to the meeting with Habibie, the West Papuan activists decided to limit discussion to problems related to development. When Team met with Habibie, a number of West Papuans launched into an impassioned plea for independence. Stunned and clearly misinformed about the depth and extent of discontent in West Papua, Habibie put aside his prepared response and in an emotional appeal urged the West Papuan delegation to reconsider their desire to separate from Indonesia.

    After returning from the meeting with Habibie a number of prominent West Papuan political leaders immediately began preparations for a national consultation called Musyuwarah Besar, often shortened to Mubes, on the causes of conflict in West Papua and strategies to achieve merdeka freedom and in- dependence. Mubes, which was held in February , attracted thousands of West Papuans from all around the country. It was a bold act of political defiance. The long-banned Morning Star flag flew free and the desire for independence was expressed openly.

    Delegates held elections to form the PDP, the Presidium Dewan Papua or Papuan Presidium Council, a kind of parallel government made up of a member executive the Presidium and a member panel of local representatives from every region of West Papua the Council. The PDP then agreed to hold a congress six months later—the Second Papuan Congress, tak- ing its name from the national congress that formed the West New Guinea Raad, the parliament established by the Dutch.

    Outside the meeting tens of thousands of West Papuans who could not fit into the overflowing auditorium danced and held vigil, applying moral pressure on even the most moderate West Papuan leader to support independence. Based on photographs from the time and interviews with participants and witnesses, including the handful of foreigners, I estimate around 50, West Papuans were in attendance.

    They rejected both the New York Agreement and the sham UN-sponsored Act of Free Choice and declared that West Papua was already independent and was currently be- ing illegally occupied by the Indonesian state.

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