It could be argued that this is the case if surveyed from the perspective of Christian European philology, particularly its interest in Semitic and other languages and in the comparative method. Indeed, Wolf Peter Klein ' s recent work on the rise of the comparative linguistic method in Christian Europe seems to be arguing for a clear border between medieval and modern: Medieval scholastics were interested in the logical and semantic unity of languages rather than in their material difference Rauchenberger points out 35 that medieval glossaries [the Glossarium Latino-Arabicum in the twelfth c.
One may add that the comparative study of the Semitic languages would require at least two Semitic languages and that Latin-Arabic dictionaries are therefore of little relevance from this point of view. The book, produced by the collaboration between Al Gharnati and Jacob Mantino, included about 2. A possibly significant, additional characteristic of the manuscript concerns the Hebrew columns believed to be by Mantino himself, and it is that the hand is not the Sephardi hand which the exiles clung to and cultivated even after the expulsion, throughout the sixteenth century and perhaps later , but, rather, the rounder, more cursive, Italianate Hebrew hand.
Jacob Mantino, the scholar of Iberian Jewish origin was of all the numerous Jewish scholars of the Renaissance the one who knew best how to integrate into the Christian scholarly world, according to Carpi.grupoavigase.com/includes/392/
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Carpi ' s research in the Archivio Notarile of the Archivio di Stato di Padova allowed him to discover four documents which attest to Al Gharnati ' s collaborator ' s banking or money- lending activities and to his being an associate of the Del Banco family in Padua. In the second he is not and in the third we find the same formula again. This hispanicity, so visible an element in Mantino '' self presentation, contrasts with the historiography, which generally presents hispanicity as a physical or biographical detail rather than an intellectual and cultural factor of weight. It is evidently an historiographical problem, rather than one of evidence, as has been seen from a reading of the notarial documents discovered by Carpi.
The historiography is large and beginning to take Mantino seriously as an intellectual and a source for the reconstruction of mind-sets, as can be seen from the return to discussions of precise, single items in the glossary in which he collaborated with al-Gharnati and in which he filled at least the first entries in Hebrew and Latin. In a corpus of writings as large as that on al-Gharnati, the first step is significant and can mark the directions and assumptions of the rest.
Kaufmann ' s study of 37 , still frequently cited on these occasions, is not the first or foundational step and, as it was published in the REJ , it clearly follows on the article published ten years earlier in the same journal by Hartwig Derenbourg In this line of thought, the reception in Madrid of the founder ' s work, may be enlightening. Codera 39 , the doyen of Arabic studies at the time, presents a report on the appearance of Hartwig Derenbourg ' s scholarly identifications, the Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the Escorial Two elements are noticeable in his peculiar presentation.
One is an undercurrent of nationalism cf. The first is rather short sighted; instead of understanding that the Catalogue was placing the Escorial and therefore Spain on the scholarly map, he seems to give a somewhat guarded, qualified reception to the Parisian ' s contribution. The second is a relatively lavish concentration on almost picturesque vignettes such as the one about the throwing manuscripts out the windows of the Escorial during a fire.
What is clear for our purposes, however, is that there is a choice in Hartwig Derenbourg ' s concentration and focus on this one Escorial manuscript textual witness to Al-Gharnati and Mantino ' s collaboration out of others. Codera ' s presentation makes it clear that creating categories for such selections and choices, from amongst the overabundant collection, were a constant preoccupation because the catalogue was not complete and this incompleteness or selectivity had to be justified. Hartwig Derenbourg was the son of Joseph Derenbourg. The family name comes from a former location of the family, i.
Derenburg, a town near Halberstadt, Saxony. From there, they moved to Offenbach, Frankfort-on-the-Main, and Mayence.
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Up to the age of thirteen, Joseph ' s education was confined exclusively to rabbinical studies. Later, Joseph entered the gymnasium in Mayence, and then attended lectures in the University of Giessen, and afterward in that of Bonn, where he studied Arabic under Freytag. His father-in-law, Hermann Joseph Baer, the well-known bookseller of Frankfort-on-the-Main, placed him in at the head of the Paris branch of his house. In April, , he was called to occupy, at the latter institution, the chair of literary Arabic, which had been vacant since Reinaud ' s death in In the minister of public instruction entrusted him with the investigation of the Arabic manuscripts in the Escorial and in the other libraries of Spain.
For Derenbourg, then, the colaboration of the Spanish Jew and the Spanish Muslim could well be a kind of search for his own intellectual and cultural genealogies, where learning and the love of words and books counted and the precise, specific context was secondary.
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In his article of , he drew attention to the colophon of the Escorial manscript:. The copy transcription of this book was finished by the humble servant who composed it, John Leon of Granada, once called Al-Hassan son of Muhammad the weights officer of Fez, at the end of January of the year 24 of the Christian era, of the Muslim era, in the city of Bologna, in Italy, for the use of the scholar, teacher, the illustrious physician Jacob son of Simeon, my Jewish friend. At the same time, and significantly, Derenbourg remarks that Hurtado de Mendoza is the most likely link between Italy and the Escorial.
Today, however, another additional possibility is to see al Gharnati ' s collaboration with Mantino as part of a certain philological comparative tradition. To be sure, as has been seen, the precise configuration of the Mantino-Al-Gharnati project has no known precedent.
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Some sense of balance requires to concentrate on the more precise and closer context of interests in philological work -Iberian, Granadine and Granadine families in Fez. These Iberian families and scholars had their own philological, comparative tradition. Some aspects have been known for long and can be taken as read.
After all, in the nineteenth century it was asserted that the most important MSS consulted by Gesenius for his work, and which he occasionally cites explicity, included Rabbi Jonah ' s Book of Roots. So that some awareness of the Iberian philological tradition and its continuity are elementary points of departure. But other aspects are being researched today. An example could be the case of Baron.
Ishaq ben Barun was an Iberian Jewish scholar of the second half of the eleventh century and the first quarter of the twelfth. He died at the latest in His Muazana was composed probably before and was entitled The book of comparison between the Hebrew and the Arabic languages. It is particularly interesting because it is not limited to comparative lexicography but includes a comparative approach to the grammar of these Semitic languages.
He was not a marginal member of the Jewish communities of Spain, although today he seems to be unknown to students of Africanus ' comparative approach to Semitic languages. He was a member of the circles of the best connected celebrities of the Jewish communities of eleventh-twelfth century Spain.
Whether explicitly mentioned by title; mentioned by author without the tite of the work; or not mentioned at all but revealed by modern scholarship as sources of his thought, the Iberian habits of reading are no longer a nebulous area of speculations. Barun ' is only one of such scholars who took it for granted that Hebrew, Aramaic and Arabic were not to be studied in isolation Had these attitudes to language changed radically after Las Navas de Tolosa?
Research today no longer continues in the old attitudes [Bacher, Hirschfeld] of refusing to recognize the evidence from late medieval Spain i. The recent attention to late medieval philology in the case of Profayt Duran is an example. His disciples included members of the Zarc family. The work, based on Shorashim, reminds us that the Zarc family is a case of late medieval families of Iberian exiles attracted to philological work in the Iberian Jewish traditional mode To be sure, a great deal remains to be done, particularly in the area of understanding questions of difference, originality and cultural significance.
Similarly, there is no doubt that there is a tradition which is being followed in fifteenth century Spain. A case in point, where [like those of Ibn Yaish or the Zarc family] the manuscripts had lain unedited for long, and they were ignored by the conventional histories of grammar, is that of the Seadyah ibn Danan from Granada.
He was the author of a number of philological and lexicographic works. He wrote his dictionary in Arabic in Hebrew characters and his language seems to reflect Andalusian Arabic. He also wrote on Aramaic but the relevant manuscript section is apparently illegible today. In some cases [five] he creates a graphic figure of the words he is discussing; only one of a number of visible signs of unconventional innovation. He finished his dictionary in Granada in But in , the work was still of interest in Granada as it was being copied, possibly by a disciple, on the 23 of Av He was thus continuing, by his and his school ' s choices, in a specific aspect of the tradition of Hebrew Arabic comparative linguistic study of early Al Andalus, Southern Spain.
Africanus ' comparative philological interests -like those which led to his readings of al-Ghazali- do have certain conexts in fifteenth century Iberia. Within the framework of Renaissance and humanist studies, O. Zhiri 45 recently formulated a question or rather, a research task for Al-Gharnati students It concerns mainly the history of reading Al-Gharnati in France.
As in the earlier influential case of English readings of Al-Gharnati [e. And yet Al-Gharnati cannot really be transformed into a subject of English or French studies without a great deal of argument. But they may lead one to think — more relevantly — in terms of communities of readers amongst other Iberian exiles. Amongst the sixteenth century readers of Africanus was Samuel Usque. Written in the Portuguese vernacular, it deals with the question of language. That is to say that the book presents itself as directed at, and written from, a formally organized Jewish community of Iberian exiles.
A main factor here is the establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal in the ' s and ' s. Long ago, two main general features were noticed in the book: The reading of Leo Africanus comes in a passage which shows traces of Varthema also The passage comes in a section where the shepherd Ycabeo addresses the shepherds Zicareo and Numeo, after having led their cattle to a luxuriant plain that lies beneath a slope. There, while resting beneath a green poplar and watching the sheep as they graze, Ycabeo narrates a series of misfortunes.
After articulating a list of sins, Ycabeo, nevertheless, considers the punishment excessive, as it is not paralleled in other cases of sinful peoples, such as pagan Rome [p. The source-passage in Africanus may well be the following in the manuscript The invocation of Leo Africanus in Usque ' s third Dialoge echoes that in [p. That itself is subdivided into smaller geographic features [Temple, festivals, waters of Jordan, fountain of Idumea].
This procedure is followed in the next paragraph, where Europe is similary dissected [Italy, France, Germany, England, Spain. O Africa, mountainous rugged and scorched, pregnant with the finest gold, cloaked with sweet and handsome palms and sprinkled with milk and honey you keep your chidren happy with buried wealth and the savory foods of nature.
Usque ' s citation from Africanus in the third Dialogue is, thus, a return to the comparison between the nations and the people of Israel in the opening of the book, i. It has been so successfully integrated into the general structure and style that it is somewhat besides the point to argue that like a preacher, he uses literature known to his readers to corroborate his thesis.
The use of a list from a table of contents [in Leo Africanus] which had little to do with history and theology, to produce such seamless poetic prose is the noteworthy aspect. It also throws into question the definitive quality of studies on Usque by reopening the possibility of a secondary or intermediate source. This is of interest not only because of his use of Africanus.
It is also of interest because it appears to be one of the innovative features of Usque ' s Consolations. These aspects have various parallels which have long since been noticed, studied and used for putative source studies. What are the possible cultural tradition within which we can inscribe Usque ' s decisions to invest in reading and assimilating creatively such geographic materials as those in al-Gharnati ' s work?
The procedure of amplificatio or dilatatio by apostrophe was recommended already in the medieval rhetorical manuals. The ennumeration of toponyms also deserves some comment, as poetic geography is a frequent feature of Usque ' s book. Africa, for example, is mentioned a number of times as has been seen. Leaving aside Petrarch ' s use of toponyms and geographic matter in his Africa , he also invested in geography in his more frequently read and influential work in the vernacular. As in so many other cases [e.
The enumeration of toponyms in Iberian poetry in Hebrew, while apparently unstudied, is not completely unevidenced. Almost at random one thinks of the Mashal Ha-Qadmoni: Ishaq ben Shelomoh Ibn Sahula. Don Vidal Benveniste, in the fourteenth- fifteenth centuries, shows more marked affinities with this practice as he begins his rhymed prose composition with the mention of toponyms: Also in the fifteenth century, Mattityahu begins his Ahituw The progression to more complex literary geographies in Post-Petrarchan poetry seems probable.
Nevertheless, for an Iberian exile in Italy such as al-Gharnati or Usque, other explanations are also possible. Another Iberian in Italy, writing before Usque, was Antonio de Guevara, whose Epistolas familiares had an extensive readership as may be gathered from its editorial history. One composition is entitled: It is printed after an epistle dated Valladolid, January 26, Mas ha ya mas de mil y quinientos anos que no teneys Rey a quien obedecer sacerdote a quien vos encomendar templo a do orar sacrificios que ofrecer profetas a quien creer ni aun ciudad a do os amparar De manera que solo el nombre teneys de Iudios y la libertad de esclauos.
No ay gente en el mundo por barbara que sea que no tenga algun lugar a do se acoja y algun caudillo que los defienda como lo tenian los Garamantas en Asia los Mastageras cabe la India y aun los Negros en Etiopia sino soys vosotros tristes cuytados que a do quiera soys cautivos The adaptation of al-Gharnati by Usque is thus not merely a bibliographical curiosity but touches on one of the mainstream trends in post-Petrarchan modernity: A privileged genre in the representations of space is, of course, the travel narrative. It is one of the main concerns in scholarship on travel books.
It has been raised frequently in the case of such sections in the work of Leo Africanus as may be confronted with other evidence. But such independent evidence is limited, and the question therefore arises as to what is the status of the other sections of the narrative, those for which we have no external, independent, parallel sources: Zemon Davis, for example, asserts that Africanus. Indeed, men had an erection and young women lost their virginity just by passing over the plant Al-Wazzan had his doubts, saying that the story was made up to conceal the penetration of a real penis In Ramusio ' s edition of the Descrittione the story is, in fact, the culmination of the whole book:.
Ne voglio tacer ancora quello che dicono tutti gli abitatori del monte Atlante, che si hanno truovate molte gioveni, di quelle cha vanno pascendo gli animali per questo monte, che hanno perso la loro virginita non per altro accidente se non per aver orinato sopra detta radice: Evidently, most readers find that such passages are unmediated reflections of experienced reality. Is this the only possibility? In a genre widely cultivated in medieval Europe, Marian miracles, there is a type, indexed by A. This is his miracle number 4, and has more than 20 occurrences listed.
What is relevant for our purposes here is that one of these miracle collections was the source for the thirteenth century Spanish version. It occurs in Castile, La Rioja, in one of the central works in its vernacular literature and the first with a known author: The historical question concerns the status of the sources.
There is no need to posit a lost textual vorlage for the Descrittione. As early as Menendez Pelayo, attention was paid to oral transmission and culture. One example would be the case of. Thus we find an example in the Coplas collected by Duran:. The Sephardi oral tradition preserved a number of versions of such songs in Judeo-Spanish. What this means for us is that the Al-Gharnati text contains the various themes or motifs which are familiar from oral and textual Iberian traditions; the [implied] foot, the herb, a name for the herb. Popularity Popularity Featured Price: Low to High Price: High to Low Avg.
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