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At this point it is useful to distinguish between two types of memory contests: This book did not just adopt the perspective of Germans as victims of the carpet bombing campaigns but employed a somewhat inflammatory register that, as Aleida Assmann argues, portrays the Allied bombings as a war against the civilian population and the treasures of German culture. Furthermore, these debates do not take place exclusively in a rarified space of intellectual discussion.
The German media plays a key role in propelling these debates forward and in disseminating their messages: Clearly, the 9th of November is laden with historical significance. Instead, a completely neutral date, October 3, was chosen as the Day of Unification. In this instance, the historical uncanny is the result of the strange coincidence that historically interrelated events actually did occur on the same date. After no one wanted to be reminded of previous historical failures. The correlation between these dates creates an uncanny repetition effect that historians do not normally deal with since it exceeds a rational framework of analysis.
The historical uncanny is also a vessel for the expression of the personal experience of history. Ein Familienroman An Invisible Country: This body of literature is the topic of a number of chapters in this volume. In the majority of these narratives, the unifying experience of a generation is used as an explicit reference point that either validates or questions a particular set of historical explanations.
However, the relationship between a generation and its historical experience is far from clear; it requires urgent critical attention. The common understanding of the concept of a generation is based on membership in an age group, which predisposes individuals to similar historical experiences and cultural influences. Straddling the biological factor of birth and cultural influences that shape a generation, the term thus always carries the risk of explaining historical phenomena with reference to natural processes.
In order to avoid this pitfall, the term requires careful handling and historical analysis. Cultural critics have come up with a range of explanations. His concept of a generation did not really encompass the lives of ordinary people; rather it referred to the biographies of great men whose lives provide an age with a mirror of its historical and cultural achievements.
Resentful of the Weimar Republic, this generation channeled its disappointments into a feverish form of nationalism that wanted to tear down class barriers in favor of a community like theirs, which had been forged in the trenches of the First World War. In the discourse of the generation of young men that had participated in the war, the concept was largely used to refer to particularly male forms of bonding in response to national humiliation and defeat.
From here it was only a step to the idea of a racially defined community that was predestined to change history. The fascist contamination of the concept of generations explains why the term played a small role in the humanities after the Second World War. Although the generation of defeated soldiers expressed its shared set of experiences within a generational framework, the concept of generations had become too enmeshed in National Socialism to help with the critical analysis of cultural and historical change.
While it continued to play a role in everyday life, especially in youth culture, it was written out of academic discourse by the s. Instead, the s saw the upsurge of paradigms that emphasized the structural or functional perspective on historical change. Marxism, structuralism, functionalism, feminism, psychoanalysis, and, finally, deconstructivism swept away the biographical method that had underpinned much of generational discourse; these intellectual movements also challenged the idea that great men change and write history.
So, why is it that the concept of the generation has become such a fashionable idea in contemporary memory debates? Why has it been embraced by popular culture and academics alike? Finding plausible answers to these questions is a main concern of this volume, which, on the one hand, examines recent cultural expressions of generational discourse in literature, film, and political culture, and on the other, offers a range of critical perspectives on the usage of the term itself. This is an idea that has gained momentum through the complementary works of Cathy Caruth and Marianne Hirsch.
We can therefore only ever approximate historical experience belatedly through traumatic re-enactment. This is a highly selective, imbalanced, and narrow view of what constitutes history in that it privileges traumatic experience over all other forms of historical experience. This sweeping perspective also implies, somewhat contradictorily, that all of history collapses into the structure of traumatic repression for which the Holocaust is paradigmatic. Caruth does not seem to take into consideration that there might exist other equally valid but non-traumatic kinds of historical experience.
Thus, we could say that Caruth does two mutually exclusive things simultaneously: Hirsch was the first to introduce the concept of postmemory into debates about the memory of the Holocaust. The idea of postmemory attempts to provide theoretical underpinnings for an inevitable development in contemporary Holocaust memory culture: Postmemory describes the increasingly constructed nature of memory for the generations born after the Holocaust. It shows how the descendents of victims and perpetrators invest historical documentation — in the form of family photos, diaries, memoirs — with varying degrees of imaginative fantasy and employ fictional strategies in order to produce a family narrative that bridges the generational gap.
While this might provide continuity, tradition, and identity in an otherwise fractured and fragmented family history, the fictionalizing perspective of the belated generation often succumbs to the temptations of sentimentalizing narrative and thus revises history from a subjective perspective.
The desire to plaster over or rewrite the dark or traumatic family past often expresses itself in transgenerational trauma when the descendents of the first generation repeat unconsciously the repressed trauma of the past. The present volume on memory contests proposes instead a more differentiated approach to the past that makes room for alternative interpretations of historical experience.
The essays in this volume engage with all of the above themes, covering a wide variety of memory discourses in literature, politics, photography, film, minority culture, and museum culture.source
Touching upon gender, generations, memory and postmemory, trauma theory, ethnicity, historiography, family narrative alongside many other topics, the contributions engage in a productive dialogue that gives a comprehensive picture of current German memory contests. He finds that narratives of the s employed a whole range of strategic techniques in order to find a usable national past. For example, the figure of the Jew was written out of postwar Heimat narratives, historical and literary, so that Germans could more easily understand themselves as victims of the Allied bombings, and so could avoid taking responsibility for the past.
Fritzsche suggests that it is time to move away from a normative discourse on what German memory ought to be like. Instead, we should examine the texts that employ narrative strategies of avoidance and repression so that we can understand better the conflicted process of simultaneous denial and critical self-reflection intrinsic to these narratives. Roger Woods presents an excellent example of such an internally split and self-contradictory narrative around German identity since in his essay on the problems of the New Right.
As a conservative movement that wants to re-establish German identity on the basis of a proud Volksgemeinschaft, the New Right is characterized by resurgent nationalism. These texts are simultaneously nostalgic and critical; written from a personal perspective, they move dialectically between positive identification and criticism.
This body of literature challenges white German hegemony by rediscovering the history of blacks in Germany. Thus, it argues for a more pluralistic, multicultural, and tolerant society. Their contention is that Germany has yet to deal adequately with its role in this episode of European history; the Nazi persecution of blacks is also a submerged chapter of German history that needs to be re-examined.
Dagmar Lorenz and Cathy Gelbin continue the focus on the place of minority groups in postunification Germany and in an increasingly globalized Europe. Lorenz describes the range of textual strategies employed by German- and Austro-Jewish writers who wish to establish themselves as a distinct group after the Holocaust.
The search for a viable Jewish identity since the Holocaust often takes the form of reconnecting to prewar Jewish religious and cultural traditions. Lorenz concludes that Jewish identity is cast as a position of insurmountable isolation by most of these writers, ongoing evidence of the reluctance to once again assimilate into German culture. Gelbin makes a similar point in her discussion of the re-emergence of the golem figure in German and Jewish film and literature since unification.
In the work of some writers, the golem stands for a vehemently antiassimilationist position. It is also a figure from Jewish tradition, so its reappearance in Jewish works is evidence of the ongoing search for an identity that has its roots in the past. Again, the German nation in combat with an identity crisis produced by international market forces reappears within these anti-Semitic renditions of the golem.
Several articles deal with the concepts of generation, postmemory, and transgenerational trauma. The current plethora of family narratives shows the centrality of the idea of generations and of intergenerational memory in German literature. Fritzsche notes that one tactic of the sentimental narrative of the nation typical for the s is to focus on local historical context, provincial Heimat, and the family.
Thus, the history of the period is converted into a local history of the family. This emphasis, he points out, forces the uglier national history of recent times into the background and has the added bonus of making it possible for Germans to present themselves as victims of the Allied bombings. In contemporary fiction, family is still a basic institutional structure, but it is viewed in a much more critical way than it was in the willfully blind type of narrative Fritzsche discusses.
Where Fritzsche notes that the representation of the catastrophe of the war as a natural disaster facilitated the erasure of political agency from s accounts of the war, Elizabeth Boa shows how this rhetorical strategy has been turned on its head by recent narratives about the legacy of the GDR. Looking at examples of family allegory in literature and film, Boa finds that this kind of narrative, far from eliding the political, imposes a generational structure onto political history. The children of the founder generation are keen to distance themselves from their parents, and these narratives are thus very critical of parental complicity in the running of the GDR state.
Many of these narratives, however, remain marooned in a discourse of guilt and shame about the past that is expressed through descriptions of the body and that is a reluctant acknowledgement of complicity in the GDR past. This circumspect examination of the interference of the political and the personal is not a feature of the earlier literature. In many of the contributions in this volume, the tension between the search for affiliation and the rejection of tradition features clearly because contemporary German literature is often caught between divided loyalties.
In this way, the identity struggle of the German New Right as presented by Woods can be understood as the result of the conflict between the desire for roots in a generational tradition and the need to reject this tradition. Thus, the desire for affiliation and identity within a certain tradition of the nation clashes with the insight that this genealogy must be rejected on the grounds that it is not viable in contemporary Germany.
His perceptive analysis of Pawels Briefe exposes the many limitations of this academic theory, which has been widely, and for Long uncritically, disseminated since it first appeared in the late s. Other contributions point to the role played by academic inaccuracy and reductionism in the forging of memory contests. The intellectual background to the first exhibition isolated the soldier figure from the historical context of photographic practice in the s and s, thus inscribing one of the sentimental strategies mentioned by Fritzsche: In a similar vein, Matthias Fiedler defends film as a productive repository of memory contests.
Fiedler examines the many films made during the s about the Third Reich and its legacy in the present. He rejects claims that films encourage naive identification only, and argues that many of these commercially successful films employ a highly nuanced visual language that emphasizes the idea of memory as a process.
Because film reflects on its own narrative insufficiency, film can offer a space for criticism and ethical reflection. Films therefore analyze the function of cinema as a cultural institution within a memory-obsessed culture at a time when reliance on postmemory and mediated images is becoming increasingly prevalent. A further theme that appears across a number of contributions is gender. A number of articles make the point that generational discourse concerns not only the periodization of history and the transgenerational resurfacing of memories; it is also fundamentally a discourse on gender.
Boa also points out the highly gendered nature of the attacks by the younger generation on the older GDR generation in her analysis, and Cathy Gelbin highlights the problematic gendering of the golem figure in narratives that equate German suffering with Jewish suffering. A number of articles deal with the role W. Sebald has occupied in memory contests since Sebald is dependent on the very group of writers he so vehemently rejects. Much of the Luftkrieg essay expresses surreptitiously the desire for affiliation, belonging, and identity, and for a Heimat, ironically in the postwar ruin.
At the same time, there is the recognition that Heimat is no longer possible because it is tainted by the National Socialist corruption of the concept. By the same token, he takes as his role models Germanand Austro-Jewish writers of the s who began to engage critically with the victim perspective on the Holocaust.
These writers suggest that multilingualism and translation can provide us with a different way of accessing subjective experiences in the past, of articulating and coming to terms with trauma. As such, it is an excellent vessel for expressing the historical uncanny. Willer thus raises a point of great relevance for the literary language used in several of the texts discussed in the volume, for where else can the uncanny, the highly personal and the repressed side of history — the otherness of history — be voiced effectively, if not in literary language?
While some critics might view this new pluralism as a problem requiring urgent pedagogic intervention, the contributions to this volume show that Germany has now entered a new phase of historical consciousness. This does not mean that memory of the Third Reich can be abandoned but that other topics are beginning to reclaim their space in public discourse.
It is inevitable that this new pluralism makes the memory of the Third Reich a phenomenon that is ever more open to historical revisionism and contestation. A Political Biography London: Aufbau-Verlag, , vol. Betrachtungen und Erinnerungen Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, , Meine Zeit —, ed.
Fischer, , 33— For Mann the gap between the emigrants and those who had stayed in Nazi Germany was so wide that a return seemed impossible. Mann continued to publish essays on Germany and the Germans. In Hannah Arendt immediately resumed her correspondence with her former teacher, the philosopher Karl Jaspers. Karl Jaspers Breifwechsel —, ed. Piper, , 88— Campus, , — Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism London: U of Chicago P, He explicitly and quite vehemently critiqued the omnipresence of Holocaust images in the media and the creation of a Holocaust industry. Furthermore, he challenged the rationale for building a Holocaust memorial right in the center of Berlin and suggested that the Holocaust was being instrumentalized by various interest groups.
Frank Schirrmacher Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, , 7—29; here: The late Ignatz Bubis, who responded both in his capacity as President of the Jewish Council and as a Holocaust survivor, interpreted this as a barely disguised act of anti-Jewish incitement and insisted on the continued need to remember the victims of the Holocaust through public rites and memorials.
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For subsequent academic debates see: Sebald, Luftkrieg und Literatur. The English translation appeared under the title: On the Natural History of Destruction, trans. Deutschland im Bombenkrieg Munich: The so-called November Revolution had been started by the seamen of the German navy on 29 October ; their strike quickly spread to other German cities.
Effectively this was the beginning of the Weimar Republic. Abhandlungen zur Grundlegung der Geisteswissenschaften. Gesammelte Schriften V, ed. Georg Misch Leipzig, Berlin: Teubner, , 31— Wolff Soziologische Texte 28 Berlin, Neuwied: Luchterhand, , — For an English translation see K. Routledge, , — Fink, , 31— Entitled Memory Traces, the book evokes an archaeological image of cultural remembrance in the tradition of Benjamin. By contrast, our volume provides theoretical reflection on new and developing concepts in this field, such as trauma and generation.
See Silke Arnold-de Simine, ed. Trauma, Narrative, and History Baltimore, London: Johns Hopkins UP, Zwischen Psychoanalyse und kulturellem Deutungsmuster, ed. Ingeborg Bachmann und die deutschsprachige Literatur, ed. He transcribed into his diary the story of Horst-Siegfried Weigmann, whose death had been announced in the local paper on 19 January , with a swastika inside the Iron Cross at the side of the notice. The son found out, posed as a Gestapo officer, and managed to speak to his mother in order to smuggle her out of prison and into hiding. Klemperer adds that there are said to be many Jews in hiding, particularly in Berlin.
At the entrance of the prison, however, mother and son ran into a Gestapo officer who knew Weigmann and thus discovered the ruse. The mother was sent to Theresienstadt, and the son hanged himself in his prison cell. The young Weigmann will be the hero of plays and novels. What follows is my extrapolation, based on signals in the diary account, of what Klemperer most likely had in mind.
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Even as the story turns on the awful coincidence of recognition at the entrance to the prison, it also gestures toward other places — hiding places — overseen by other people, who help the Jews, indicating the existence of a genuinely non-Nazi Germany. In the end, the drama that Klemperer imagines works by sacrificing the mother to underscore the complicity of the father. It is important that war service itself is not rejected. To work as a reconciliationist drama, the story does not challenge the honor of German soldiers in France or Poland, but rather shames the one-sided representation of events by the father.
It is not the soldier-son who is the hypocrite, but the civilian father who misplaces the swastika inside the iron cross. The postwar audiences that Klemperer implicitly assembles in this literary success story are brought together through the successful combination of the iron cross and Jewish valor. What does it mean that Klemperer could outline this classical story of national reconciliation, a German Antigone, in January ?
It is a rehabilitative national drama. Moreover, the despicable behavior of the father serves as a lightning rod. The story takes place in a German city, with its newspaper, its medical school, and its prisons, but does not imagine the newly built assembly points, concentration camps, or work details in the occupied territories. It is not about the Holocaust, but German identity. Both the son and the mother are dead. But if they were alive, the drama presumes that they would not only be accepted by postwar audiences but would feel comfortable in their midst. There were many things that Klemperer would come to learn only later.
But I do not think the precise knowledge of the Shoah is the key issue. What does the Weigmann incident suggest about what the memory of the war will be? First, Klemperer immediately poses the anecdote as a problem. Klemperer was plainly thinking about the challenge of mastering the past, assembling stories, finding the right dramatic register.
He admits both the necessity and the plausibility of representing the disaster that has taken place. On the contrary, just as the last waves of arrests take place, the Jews are brought back into view. The assumption that Germans and Jews can resume life among one another is very strong. Third, this desire for resumption or retrieval is related to the fact that the drama that Klemperer believes will go down in history is not about German actions against the Jews; it is not about the Jewish struggle to maintain dignity and ward off despair; it is about the reintegration of both Jews and Germans in a morally righted postwar society.
The Holocaust does not cripple the nation. Fourth, the Weigmann story achieves its effects by associating moral action with national service. The son is introduced as a soldier first. That he returns home to study medicine is probably because of wounds he has suffered at the front.
Only then does he attempt to save his mother. Moreover, the drama is centered around the active subjectivity of the son.
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Tenses and verbs are arranged so that audiences can identify and respond to morally righteous action. And finally, sixth, the Nazis are projected onto the figure of the father and are thereby represented as a duplicitous minority. There is no thematization of general complicity or collective guilt. Indeed, the murder of the Jews is partially redeemed in the rejection of the nationalism and racism of the father in favor of a bona fide Jewish-German symbiosis.
While scholars have long lamented the way Germans in the first decades after the war tendentiously remembered the Nazis, the war, and the Holocaust, they have not adequately understood how and why those memories have taken the form they have. I want to turn the question around and ask: Rather than measure German recollections against some normative standard, I propose to examine memory as the work of continually selecting and thereby maintaining some control over the past. Collective memories are neither accurate nor critical, but rather function in self-serving narratives that preserve active, meaningful subjects — in this case, Germany.
Yet in the German example it is also possible to see the ways in which collective memory continuously reflected on the conditions of its own production. Most of the conventional histories written by Germans after the war are self-conscious, searching for the right dramatic effect just as were Klemperer and his friend Katz.
From the very beginning, the challenges of representation, the problem of too much or too little history, were part of the process of mastering the past. The self-conscious quality of the effort to assemble usable narratives ended up creating a measure of critical distance to the narratives themselves that was then available to readers. First of all there was an extraordinary production of plays and novels in the postwar period. Far from suppressing the past, which has been the conventional interpretation of everyday historical discourse in the s and s, Germans selectively embellished it and even obsessed over it.
To the picture books of the s and s were added television programs which documented the end of the war, the bombings and evacuations which for most Germans constituted their firsthand experience of the war. By the late s, weekly editions of fictionalized war stories sold up to 60, copies.
The popular fascination with Stalingrad or the lost territories in the East, renewed since with the proliferation of pastoral images of East Germany, continues to this day. It focuses on Germans as victims, not on the victims of the Germans, and it does not come close to describing the variety of experiences that Germans had during the Third Reich.
The sentimental narrative of the suffering nation came into sharper focus when the Nazis were talked about. As was the case in the First World War, betrayal is a theme that stands out in the collective memory of the Second World War. The most fundamental treason imagined was that of the Nazi inner circle, which allegedly betrayed the national cause by waging a racist war: The articulation of victimhood kept intact the idea of the German nation and probably facilitated the transition to democracy.
In postwar narratives, the number of real Nazis gets smaller and smaller, and the responsibility they bear for misleading the nation, exterminating the Jews, and invading Russia grows larger and larger. This is well known, and Klemperer too used this strategy of containment with the duplicitous figure of the father. At the same time, as the diminished number of Nazis became more menacing, Germany itself became more and more an old-fashioned space of small towns, filled with hardworking inhabitants who saw themselves as inheritors of a long if somewhat blurry historical tradition.
In this sense, the Holocaust made Heimat possible. History had to be indistinct to work as heritage, so sites with political specificity, such as synagogues destroyed in , were neither restored nor remembered. History linked the postwar present to long cultural continuities that anchored Germany in a common and ancient European past.
Contemporaries came to see the evidence of historical continuity everywhere; the preservationist movement boomed in a period when Germans regarded, according to one survey, most buildings that surrounded them as historic. This serves as a reminder that the efforts of collective remembering are not intended to be accurate, precise, or critical. On the contrary, they produce the effect of collective belonging and historical continuity, of national survival and cultural richness.
The political connections that had linked the community to the political nation, the aim of the insurgent grass-roots mobilization of the nationalist Right in the s, are forgotten in the effort to produce normalcy. The beginning of the Federal Republic is choreographed with the long treks of homeless Germans, a rebirth that does not inquire about the origins of homelessness and expulsion. The emphasis on Heimat permitted the political nation to disappear, the mass support for the Nazis to fade from consciousness, and local inhabitants to gradually come to be seen as victims.
This is the reason why it is local history — that of Dresden, Hamburg, Hildesheim — rather than national history that tends to articulate the memories of victims of the bombing campaigns. This means that disasters of the war are seen as natural catastrophes, which are what befall local places. Even the Holocaust is put into this existential domain, out of the reach of local subjects and out of the reach of even the historical imagination. Historical continuities formulated around local places and normal if injured Germans constituted a sentimentalized narrative of the nation that was selective and self-serving, and one that has also been surprisingly durable, although not unanimously subscribed to.
This sentimentalization achieves a representation of the past that resonated with the difficult experiences of non-Jewish Germans in the years to approximately However, this vernacular narrative worked by avoiding much discussion of the Jews, the primary victims of the Nazis. In other words, while the narrative rejects the Nazis, it rests uneasily on their policies.
All this is testimony to the strength of national narratives and their ability to displace other perspectives and other stories in order to create a recognizable national whole. In my view, this has been the primary function of history in postwar Germany. Looked at the other way, it is precisely the inability to gratify the desire for meaningful, coherent narratives that leaves individuals traumatized and perplexed and their memories fragmented and isolated, as was often the case among the surviving victims of the Nazis.
But, as Lawrence Langer argues, even in the case of Holocaust testimonies, particularly those that are written down and thus more carefully crafted, the value placed on fashioning an active subject and constructing a redemptive plot persisted. It stands out as a disaster of the first magnitude and we find it difficult to imagine ourselves without knowledge of it. But the post-Holocaust world is itself a historical construction, the origins of which need to be examined and not simply held out as the standard for judging memory.
In fact, for many decades, the Holocaust was not the focus of much scholarly inquiry or civic remembering in Germany or elsewhere. Throughout Europe, former occupied nations such as France, Holland, and Belgium recognized the hero or victim status of the majority of their citizens and thereby avoided making potentially bitter distinctions between collaborators, bystanders, and active resisters, or between volunteer workers and labor conscripts in the Reich. In the United States and Israel, the Holocaust was not central to historical consciousness either. Well into the s, U.
In these versions, Auschwitz was more about the perilous future than the awful past. The sentimental narrative of the German nation worked in other more positive ways as well. It did largely repudiate the father. In my view, the localized nature of the production of normality in the postwar years resisted the obsessive concern with the mortal body of the nation that is so plain to see after the First World War.
After all, it was in the s that Germans were anything but silent or evasive about their past. This too represented a way of mastering the past, but one in which Germans immersed themselves in world history and set about creating a national consciousness of survival, vigilance, and battle-readiness. Contrary to what happened after the Second World War, local places after the First World War avidly sought connections to national history in the tumultuous political mobilizations of paramilitary groups, political parties, and anti-Versailles campaigns.
The provincial coziness of postwar Germany stifled such endeavors. Increasingly the present was regarded as the best place in time to inhabit. This was not altogether a bad thing. Historians would condemn the sentimental version as bad history. Yet it is striking to see just how much critical historiography in West Germany followed collective memory. I do not want to push this argument too far, but I want to suggest ways in which even the structural social histories of progressive historians produced some of the same effects as the sentimental memories they condemned.
In the first place, there was extraordinary investment in finding a useable, honorable German past, which the traditions of the German labor movement and the Social Democratic Party provided. Post history thus did not re-enact the partisan divisions of the time after When it comes to the Nazis, historians for a long time unwittingly cast them in the role of aliens on the social margins, arriving from outside. National Socialists achieve breakthroughs, they prey on voters, they push desperate Germans over the edge. Thus when the time comes to analyze the Third Reich, the Nazis disappear. There is the small group around Hitler, but otherwise Germans are not really enthusiastic supporters.
The Third Reich is regarded as a nation of opportunists, grumblers, and bystanders, not ideological collaborators. And for many years, the Holocaust itself was analyzed in terms of bureaucratic and structural processes that detached perpetrators from the genocidal aim. General indifference rather than willful complicity was the harsh moral lesson. What is unsatisfying about an analysis of why the narrative of the sentimental nation has been so durable is that it seems to freeze German perspectives on the past and to withhold the possibility of new, critical thought on the matter.
The emphasis I place on the power of satisfying narratives also seems complacent because it does not realize the responsibility of scholars to get the wider community to see through kitsch and to acknowledge measures of responsibility. Moreover, just about any observer of the German scene feels that understandings of the Nazi past have become more critical, certainly in official culture, but also in the social exchanges of everyday life and in the recent spate of family memoirs and family novels.
How far and how deep does this go? What strikes me about recent commentaries on the public engagement with the Nazi past is the speed with which the discussion moves from specific histories of victimization and complicity to the general protocols about having a discussion about the German past. It is significant that these reflections on narrative have themselves been the echoes of numerous heated debates since about how to talk about German history. The sentimental narrative of the nation has always been accompanied by reflection on how this narrative arises or is constructed. Such reflection is both a result of knowledge about complicity and the means by which more critical inquiries have been introduced.
I would argue that the sentimental narrative reveals its own insufficiency by continuously slipping into a self-reflective mode in order to justify itself, reassert its adequacy, insist on its own necessity, and legitimate itself by comparing itself to other narratives. One can see this from the very beginning: While this attentiveness is generally expressed in unappetizing ways, it repeatedly undermined the self-sufficiency that the sentimental narrative of the nation tried so hard to produce.
Moreover, German discussions of Nazi crimes were always conducted with the knowledge that third parties were listening. I think this is quite important. It meant that the strategies of narrating German history became as important as the elements of the history itself. This, too, allowed former Nazis and other Germans to begin to imagine the perspectives of their military enemies and racial victims. The internationalization of German history was already apparent in the turbulent debates about the causes of the First World War, and became much more insistent after the Second World War, precisely because the world wars meant that German history did not just belong to Germans.
As a result, foreign interlocutors are tolerated in German debates and are prominent in German scholarship to a far greater extent than elsewhere in Europe. French and British history are much more self-contained. Indeed, I get the sense that the sentimental narrative of German history takes the form of a response to an implicit question posed by an outsider about the complicity of ordinary Germans in Nazi crimes and thus about collective guilt.
The narrative is in the form of an answer. Norbert Frei has come right out and said it: Self-serving narratives of victimization always remained incomplete, not least because they never could produce the heroic, morally upright actions that filled out the epic narratives of anti-fascism elsewhere in Europe. The insufficiency of the German narrative, and particularly its defensiveness, repeatedly exposed the traces of the secret knowledge of complicity. The word itself has become woven into the historical narratives. There is a general acceptance of the idea that German history cannot rest, and this, I think, creates the basis for a self-reflective and critical appraisal of the past, one that is dramatically missing in other places around the world.
The energetic production of lines of continuity with the period before the Nazis came to power, the relativisms of Hitler versus Stalin, and the spaces of normality were all bad history; but they exposed both the collective investment in a rehabilitative national story and the impossibility of achieving it. The outspoken desire for narrative coherence revealed the traces of more complicated stories that have prevented the fulfillment of that desire.
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Suspicion that there was too little history — or the frustration that there was too much — were signs of restlessness and disquiet, which are the aftermath of catastrophe and mass death, complicity and victimization. In the end, the sentimental narratives of collective memory concluded in the conditional tense, ended in question marks, and offered no resolution. This restlessness is now part of the story. Notes 1 Victor Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten: Aufbau-Verlag, , — Entry for 23 January Entry for 16 April She fights less than him.
Color sense He distinguishes colors not as well she does. She distinguishes colors better. Colorblindness Men are 16 times more color blind than women. Women are 16 times less color blind than women. Eyes He has superior eye-hand coordination. His daylight vision is superior. She has inferior eye-hand coordination.
Her daylight vision is inferior. Eating-Grooming He spends 7. Face-lift 18 males have face-lifts each day, on average. Aging He ages earlier and wrinkles later. She ages later and wrinkles earlier. Life span He is outlived by her 11 out of 12 times. She outlives him 11 out of 12 times. She outlives him by about 7 years.
She outlives men by three or four years in United States. Beyond 80, females outnumber men by two times. Life span He outnumbers her in every one of top 10 causes of death. She scores less in every one of top 10 causes of death. His death rates from heart disease, lung cancer, and emphysema are 2 to 4 times higher. Suicide rate He commits suicide 24, each year.
Men commit suicide more 2 to 3 times more than women. She commits suicide 6, each year. Women commit suicide 2 to 3 times less than men. Murder Men murdered 3 times more than women did. Women murdered 3 times less than men did. Repetitively stacking or lining up objects is associated with autism. Both terms have been distorted from their original meaning by Neo-Marxist Freudians followed by the radical feminist "gender theory" leading up to the political agenda of "Gender Mainstreaming" GM , a "woman equals man" ideology.
Februar Platon v. Original erschienen , Goldmann Verlag, Auflage Januar , August Rita M. November Genia Pauli Haddon, Ph. February Expanding the traditional view of yin and yang to a four-dimensional model. Breaking the Boundries of Gender , Touchstone, 1. October , Owl Publishing Company, 1. February Judith L.
March , Penguin, New York City, reprint February Allan G. April We all participate in the oppressive male dominated system we didn't create. August Deborah Cameron, Ph. August Based on compiled studies and 20 years of experience Will Keepin, Ph. February Carol Gilligan, Ph. Richards, The Deepening Darkness. November Louann Brizendine, M. March Nicholas D. September , Vintage, reprint edition 1. June Julie Berebitsky, Ph.
April Melvin Konner, Ph. April Michael Gurian michaelgurian. August Tim A. Mai Artikel von Prof. Oktober wurde in Westdeutschland das Gleichberechtigungsgesetz verabschiedet. Artikel Deutschland auf Mission: Separate genes exert control over differential male and female behaviors , presented by Scope Blog, Stanford Medicine , Bruce Goldman, 7. June Gender roles: May Article by Jenny Graves, Ph.
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Article Christian parents of girl, 14, who wants to change gender forced to take legal action against their local council after it backs her efforts against their wishes , presented by the British conservative, middle-market daily tabloid newspaper Daily Mail , Darren Boyle, October Article Does your child really need to know how 'Ben' became 'Amy'? Furious parents slam 'damaging' BBC sex change show aimed at six-year-olds , presented by the British conservative, middle-market daily tabloid newspaper Daily Mail , Sanchez Manning, Mehr als der sogenannte Unterschied?
Oktober Videointerview Studio Talk mit Dr. Videovortrag von Inge M. September , YouTube Film, TV , Gastgeber Prof. Dezember , erneut eingestellt Januar , YouTube Film, 7: Geschlechtslos in die Zukunft , YouTube Film, September Video presentation by Mark Yarhouse, Psy.
February , YouTube film, 1: February Radiointerview mit Prof. Juli , YouTube Film, November , YouTube Film, 1: Dezember Videovortrag von Dr. September 5-teiliges Videointerview mit Prof. August Mann und Frau sind grundverschiedene Menschentypen innerhalb der Biospezies Homo sapiens.
Oktober John Money Genderismus vertritt folgende Hauptthesen: Widersinnige Staats-Ideologien , Teil 4, Das Moneyistische Hebammen-Wunder , Teil 5, Oktober , YouTube Film, 1: Februar Videointerview mit Dr. November Videointerview mit Dr. April Videoreferat von Prof. Juni Was ist Sex? September Videointerview mit Prof. Portner, YouTube Film, September , YouTube film, November Video presentation by Leonard Shlain, M. November Buddha , Socrates , and Jesus delivered feminine right-brained oral teachings. Don't play video games! The part responsive to testosterone is 2. Discovered in a study issued by University of Pennsylvania.
And everything is connected to everything. Turning the experience curve "In summary I make the proposition that the future belongs to the feminine archetype not the masculine archetype and that those of us who adopt the feminine archetype, male or female, are going to be the ones to create that wealth and enjoy the enormous success ahead. Audio interview with Cordelia Fine, Ph. September Vimeo video keynote by Rita M. October , posted August Video Transgender: October Video interview with Dr. Michelle Cretella on Transgenderism: November Debunking the lies behind transgender ideology with sound science Denouncing the new wave of child abuse caused by the transgender movement Video presentation by Quentin Van Meter, M.
November , YouTube film, Video message by Dr. Audio interview with Louann Brizendine, Ph. Moira Gunn, 30 minutes duration, 14mb, recorded September Video presentation by Louann Brizendine, Ph. The relationship issues will always exist, but there is always hope. February Gender differences in the brain and behavior of men and women; More women will enter the workforce and with their particular skills will alter the way business is done; Reformation of marriage into symmetrical peer marriages between equals; women come into marriages as more interesting beings than ever before.
October Video presentation by Mark Gungor , pastor, comedian, marriage counselor, A Tale of Two Brains , on the differences between male and female brains, YouTube film, 5: Video Difference between men and women , YouTube film, 1: Video animation of a text suggesting that a new paradigm of gender relations written by Jeff Brown , YouTube film, wirtten September Apologies to the Divine Feminine , part 1 of 2, 5: October Apologies to the Divine Feminine Gratitudes , part 2 of 2, 6: Menschliche Geschlechtsrollen sind anlagebedingt und werden durch genetische Anlagen und stammesgeschichtliche Programmierung vorgegeben.
Sie filtern aus traditionellen und modernen Werten das aus, was in ihr Lebenskonzept passt. Patristisch — Gepanzerte Patrix. Matristisch — Ungepanzerte Matrix. Quelle von und mit Prof. Sources featuring James DeMeo, Ph. Mann — Frau — Schimpanse. Women and others will be considered crazy, stupid, and ugly.
Males in the WMS are innately superior. Females are born second-class citizens. Innately contradicting myth 1 Women not conforming gender roles are devalued. The WMS knows and understands everything and is therefore entitled to control everything. Those speaking "in a different voice" are deemed illogical, irrational, and subjective and constantly denied or battled. Propositions on the creation of patriarchy. On the biology of gender, the biological differences between men and women.
The truth is that virtually every professional scientist and researcher into the subject has concluded that the brains of men and women are different. It is not until six or seven weeks after conception that the unborn baby 'makes up its mind', and the brain begins to take on a male or a female pattern. What we are, how we behave, how we think and feel, is governed not by the heart , but by the brain. Each sex has a mind of its own at birth. With the onset of puberty, the human mechanism is past the blueprint stage. Just as puberty dramatically sorts out the girls from the boys in their behavior and social attitudes, the hormones play their part in accentuating differences in mental abilities and aptitudes.
Physically, men and women are generally attracted to each other because of their differences. The hormonal theory [of sexual deviancy] would explain why sexual deviancy is so much more common in men. Our new knowledge of what makes us tick, and tick to different rhythms, is not of itself going to revolutionise the complex design of marriage — we will present no new marital blueprint. Nothing is said to bring men and women closer to each other than the shared experience of parenthood. We live in a world where we are no longer surprised to find a female prime minister, a female judge, a female rabbi or a female pilot.
The Wall Street Journal once spoke of female careers being 'sabotaged by motherhood', demonstrating, in a few words, several misconceptions. Male lust is blind. Devotional Nonduality , "Yin-Yang", S. The market place is an inappropriate sex educator. Cultural myths around sex are misleading. There are "boy" things and "girl" things. Despite all political correctness humans are not unisex beings. Biological reasons for the ingrown insecurity of men. The human DNA is arranged into 46 chromosomes, each grouped into 23 pairs.
The 23rd pair determines the sex: Y is very short compared to the X. As a result males suffer more genetic problems than females color blindness and muscular dystrophy. All life long they are more fragile and vulnerable than females. Ample sperm produced by males, only eggs produced by females. Eggs and women are always the center of attention, being pursued, and doubting if she chose the "right" one. Males are roving inseminators.
Females are wily choosers. Sexual competition is a replay of fertilization itself. Numerous males are "roving inseminators". Like small, hyperactive sperm, they compete among themselves for access to females. Males are drawn to multiple partners, women prefer one at a time. Mind the Coolidge Effect. When men have sex, they feel more intimate. When women feel intimate, they are more desirous of sex. Women are choosier about whom to mate with and the circumstances as they are at greater biological risk when having sex are.
Men, particularly young men, are eager to have sex any time, any place, and sometimes with anyone available. Gay men have many more sexual partners than lesbian women. The influence of the hormone of desire testosterone on men and women. They become walking grenades, waiting to go off. Emotional attachment and commitment is the key to a good sex life and lasting love. Are you reliable to respond to me emotionally? Will you value me and stay close? Book recommendations featuring Dr. February Stage 1: De-escalation of the couple's negative cycle Stage 2: Re-structuring the couple's emotional bond Stage 3: Differences between men and women are biologically based and not social constructs.
Facts and empirical findings on gender-specifically formed brains. At birth girls arrive already wired as girls, and boys arrive already wired as boys. There is no unisex brain. Nature's default pattern is female until eight weeks of gestation when the tiny testicles start to produce huge amounts of testosterone. Male and female brain chemistry differs whereas men and women are more alike than they are different. Cultural gender expectations are profound.
Nurture gets built into the brain circuits. Gender roles can be retrained by a changed environment. Men use about seven thousand words per day. Women use about twenty-thousand words per day. Men are on average twenty times more physically aggressive than women. Men have larger brain areas for physical action and aggression. Testosterone levels of teenage boys rise 25 times higher than in boyhood. They tend to express it via psychological channels. Girls are motivated — on a molecular and neurological level — to ease and prevent social conflict.
Men have 3 times more interest in sex than women. After puberty anxiety disorders are 4: The ratio of depression is 2: After female menopause the depression ratio drops to 1. Menopause means the end of the hormones that have boosted communication circuits, emotion circuits, the drive to tend and care, and the urge to avoid conflict at all costs.
Little girls share toys times more than little boys. Brain and language development is somewhat delayed with little boys and young male adults. Many studies have shown that" "men often react more strongly to competitive pressure than women" , "and that women are more likely to shy away from competition, even when they are equally qualified. Traits of relationship keepers. Keepers see humor as a sacred part of relationships. Keepers do not allow guilt to influence their decisions.
Keepers understand and accept their value in the marketplace. Keepers seek continuous transformation. Six categories of hostile remarks damaging relationships. Sources featuring Randi Gunther, Ph. One of the great sweetnesses of life is to be deeply known and still beloved.
Areas where men and women differ by design. Male female traits and behaviors. Four different types of German men were delineated: Geman men Percentage German men Percentage Filtering from traditional and modern values whatever suits their life concept. Feeling drawn to a "shelter for the soul ". Think that women are innately better in raising children than men. Expect support from the churches in recreating the male role model. Metaanalysis on studies on shame and pride based gender norms.
Shame is a major building block of traditional gender roles. Magic , synchronicity , symbology. Broadened states of consciousness. Waning domination system and rising partnership system. Paradigms of money — Central banking, blind spots and structural monetary solutions. Centralizing monopolizing currency, interest rates, concentration on the top, efficiency availing the Industrial Revolution , concentration of wealth, boom and bust cycles, short-term thinking, unsustainable behavior. Honoring feminine values, entertaining dual money systems, availing sustainability , local non-interest based currencies.
Bank for International Settlements. Keeping the flawed debt money system in place Unwillingness to reform or improve the existing money system. Historical display of women's changing status in society. Gospel of Thomas , verse Mohandas Karamchand Mahatma Gandhi. Pope John Paul II. Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso.
Aung San Suu Kyi. Charles Darwin English naturalist, author of the biological Theory of evolution. Physical and mental differences between men and women. Both men and women differ in every cell of their bodies chromosome combinations. He tires less easiliy.
He feels less sick from day to days than her. He is more likely to drive through yellow or red light. His left half of the cortex, which controls verbal ability, develops slower than in females. He commits suicide 24, each year. The main theses of John Money's genderism Moneyism are: A human baby is "gender-free" at birth Gender identity is primarily learned. Early [premature] sexualisation of children Pushing the homosexual life style Pushing paedophilia [NAMBLA] Biophobia — Adverse to the biomedical faction biological differences between men and women Critics will be accused of misogyny and racism.
April In his diary [ Journals , S. If they were fully aware of what I was doing, they would [attack]. Instead, they go right to subjectivity. They say that your identity is nothing more than your subjective feeling of what you are. Well, that's also a staggeringly impoverished idea of what constitutes identity. It's like the claim of an egocentric two-year old, and I mean that technically. Your identity isn't just how you feel about yourself.
It's also how you think about yourself, it's what you know about yourself, it's your educated judgement about yourself. It's negotiated with other people if you're even vaguely civilized because otherwise no one can stand you. If your identity isn't a hybrid of what you are and what other people expect, then you're like the kid on the playground with whom no one can play. I think the law makes discussions of biology and gender illegal. It's an absurd proposition. There are sex differences at every level of analysis. There are huge personality differences between men and women. There's literature looking at differences of men and women in personality in many, many societies throughout the world.
I think the biggest paper examined 55 different societies. And they rank societies by sociological and political equality. The hypothesis was that if you equalize the environment between men and women, you eradicate the differences between them. In other words, if you treat boys and girls the same, the differences between them will disappear.
But that's not what the studies showed. In reality, they get bigger. Those are studies of tens of thousands of people. The social constructionist theory was tested. Gender identity is very much biologically determined. Then to assault the structure is to question its categorical schemes at every possible level of analysis. And the most fundamental one that the anti-patriarchy radicals have come up with is gender.
It's a piece of identity that children usually pick up on around two — it's pretty fundamental. You could argue that there isn't anything more fundamental. Bill C writes social constructionism into the fabric of the law. Social constructionism is the doctrine that all human roles are socially constructed. They're detached from the underlying biology and from the underlying objective world. So Bill C contains an assault on biology and an implicit assault on the idea of objective reality.
So a person can be male one day and female the next, or male one hour and female the next. They're the most casual terms possible. If I refer to someone as "he" or I refer to someone as "she," it's not a mark of respect, it's just categorization of the most simple and obvious kind. There's not anything about it that's individual, or characteristic of respect.
Second, you have no right to demand from me that I do anything with regards to you that's respectful.
Related Leben im Matriarchat: Ideen für eine bessere Gesellschaft (German Edition)
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