The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory


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The Burden of Democracy

The Burden of Democracy

Find it at other libraries via WorldCat Limited preview. Bibliography Includes bibliographical references p. Contents Introduction Part I: The Burden of Difference: Pluralist Justice and the Public Sphere Chapter 2: Moral Conversations and Democratic Hermeneutics Chapter 3: Secularism, Culture, and Critique Chapter 5: Laicite and the Memory of Public Culture Chapter 6: The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Cultures and Public Culture.

Brady - - Philosophy and Social Criticism 30 3: The Moral and Political Burdens of Memory. Miller - - Journal of Religious Ethics 37 3: Public Reason and Democracy. The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and its Limits.


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  • Propositions Concerning the Place of the Workers’ Movement in the Campaign for Democracy in Culture.

Thomas Christiano - - Oxford University Press. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority. The conflict at the gallery thus became a public matter; shortly afterwards, Solidarity members announced their demands pertaining to the urgent need to make CSW — which, as an institution, is a common good — more democratic.

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The campaign proved effective as regards a single staff demand: In May , he stopped serving as managing director of CSW. The crucial demand — making CSW more democratic — has not been met. At that point, the idea emerged to embed further efforts of transforming the gallery to increase staff participation also including artists working with CSW and grassroots activists within the permanent staff structure — to transform this idea into a demand of the Solidarity trade union.

The union, however, proved inadequate; it lacked the determination to shoulder a burden of this magnitude. A competition was announced and new management duly appointed, operating within an unchanged, hierarchical tension-triggering institutional structure. A threefold lesson can be drawn from the campaign for democratic transformation at CSW. First, the fact that the workforce had formulated calls for the gallery to be made more democratic in the name of culture, understood as a common good, demonstrates that there is cohesion between the identity of individuals as workers and the question of democracy.

One might say the experience of hierarchy and relations of power within the field of work — whether paid, unpaid or invisible — is one of the most universal and acute experiences in the workplace: Thus the worker is by definition a campaigner for democracy: Second, if the democratization process in a public arts organization is to be lasting, the structure it is embedded in must have strong legitimacy and instruments of pressure both on the management of the institution and on those who hold political power. A trade union is such a structure: Third, however, not every trade union can find within its ranks sufficient determination and sensibility both political and mindset-related to consistently strive towards introducing staff participation, towards making power relations in arts organizations more democratic.

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As early as , OFSW activists began to sense that in order to make the campaign for artists more effective the campaign increasingly taking the form of working to regulate issues relevant to workers , OFSW must be relieved by calling a trade-union organization into being. OFSW was one of the actors taking part in the CSW conflict, where it appeared alongside grassroots activists and artists — but this conflict also failed to lead to the safeguarding of solutions that would benefit artists collaborating with CSW. They did not gain a say when it came to deciding what would be programmed at CSW; nor did relations improve between employer the gallery and autonomous workers artists who showed their work there.

This committee acquired legal personality when it held its first programmatic conference between 25 and 26 January The union has a clear anti-fascist, feminist, class and democratic profile.

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In addition, the initiative is known for its experiments in introducing trade unions into new sectors, or sectors not usually associated with the trade-union movement this includes the most precarized sectors, such as logistics, services — and the arts , whose unionization has been given up on by other union headquarters. For one thing, they have extended beyond world of the visual arts, spilling over to other arts fields.

Those working in literature, theatre and dance also became part of the committee.

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Third, those working in the arts have organized themselves to become a part of a wider front of social movements, and could count on larger masses of people to be moved to act to solve the issues the arts are faced with. Unionization provided artists with a more definite collective subjectivity, increasing their agency and, consequently, their chances of self-determination. Thus it has contributed to giving artists a more advantageous position among social actors campaigning for democracy. The agreement was co-signed by nearly twenty major art institutions in Poland.

Its aim was to launch the struggle for unionizing precarized workers, and granting them humane and adequate working conditions, welfare safeguards and pensions.

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Along with artists, representatives of the health service, the construction industry, pre-school education, science, NGOs, logistics, services and the student community joined the demonstration and gave speeches. The government of the far-right party Law and Justice, appointed after elections in November , broke off all talks with artists whom it associated with progressive circles. OFSW has lost its platform for conducting political negotiations at a central level, and hence began to focus on preserving what it had already achieved: In addition, OFSW transferred its activity to the level of arts policies implemented by local authorities who administer the vast majority of arts organizations in Poland , and redoubled its efforts to monitor appointments to managerial posts in arts organizations and to put pressure on local authorities as regards this issue.

The new government has regarded personnel changes as the main means of transforming the arts.


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Certainly the committee can take credit for individual instances of speaking up for arts-organization staffs, and taking action when organizations failed to honour contracts signed with artists. But it has been other sectors — NGOs, the catering industry, services and sectors that rely heavily on agency work for example, the trade-union committee at Amazon — that have continued precariat-related disputes.

A public theatre managed jointly by the highest representative of the local authorities and the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, the Polski Theatre boasted substantial artistic achievement, an exceptional ensemble and outstanding technical and support staff.

How is Democracy Faring in Arts Organizations?

Paying no heed to concerns of staff, audiences and artists collaborating with the theatre, Morawski announced that the Polski would be changing course, particularly with regard to the moral and aesthetic values it advanced. The fight for political democracy was at stake, too: As Morawski failed to find a way to appease the situation, he set about dismissing defiant actors and other staff members responsible for decision-making: Trials before the employment tribunal, the fact that the trade union continually blocked work at the theatre, anti-government demonstrations organized by theatre staff, and the work of the Polski Theatre Underground all combined to put pressure on the local authorities.

The decision was questioned by the provincial governor a member of the Law and Justice party and by the minister of culture, who co-runs the theatre: The dispute — a protest against a new managing director who has been imposed on the theatre — was from the start based on the trade-union structure within the institution, and the essence of that dispute was the demand that the subjectivity of the artists and their right to self-determination be acknowledged. Solidarity, whose structures are also part of the theatre, declared its support for the managing director who had been imposed on the staff by right-wing politicians, distancing itself unequivocally from any attempts to take the dispute beyond the theatre and make a reference to political democracy.

The democratic aspirations of culture are revealed on at least three levels.

The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory
The Burden of Democracy: The Claims of Culture, Public Culture, and Democratic Memory

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