Events in Canada, in which the Canadian Government expressed strong reservations in allowing Italian elections to be conducted on its soil are also examined in this book. In a recent study undertaken by Michael Fullilove of the Lowy Institute of Sydney it was clear that continuing migration of peoples around the world, or diasporas, are a fact of life. His argument is that these diasporas are a result of factors all bound up with globalisation Fullilove Even Australia today has over one million expatriates scattered around the world.
Paradoxically, it has a greater concentration of eligible voters in London than most electorates in Australia Battiston et al. The vote to Italian expatriates has raised deep seated and perplexing questions of dual citizenship, national loyalty, and migration rights and responsibilities. This discourse is eloquently made by Weil: The static State that emerged from the nineteenth century wanted stable populations, with immigrants either here or elsewhere, as long as they were settled permanently. The state in the 21st century will have to get used to managing the rights and status of nationals who are outside its territory, and aliens who are in its territory — in other words, to dealing with populations on the move Weil Populations are more mobile than in the past and according to Fullilove these diasporas have actually increased since the end of the Cold War.
In his summary to his recently released book he states: Diasporas — communities which live outside, but maintain links with their homelands — are getting larger, thicker and stronger. They are the human face of globalisation. Diaspora consciousness is on the rise: Italian migrants in Australia, like other expatriate communities, were for the most part a typical case of the above model. Nevertheless, the homeland country Italy , re-appraised their view of Italian emigration in the s when the economy reached new heights and when Italian international standing was at an all time high.
Equally in the host country after the s, profound changes occurred in Australia as southern European migration came to an end. For instance, Asia and Asian migration had become new priorities involving new homelands and sources of often skilled labour. Moreover, the relationship with Italy which had been primarily through immigration did not spread to matters of trade, security or foreign policy. Australia and Italy though friendly and cooperative, did not enjoy a special relationship and once the migration ceased each country went about its own strategic direction.
Ethnic groups in the new multiculturalism were implicitly viewed not as class-divided, but as homogeneous. Despite the granting of full voting rights to Italian expatriates, the organisation of the Italian community within Australia remained essentially that envisaged by the Galbally report. In a very incisive study undertaken by Lopez-Guerra on whether expatriates should have the vote in their home country, he poses the very same scenario facing Italian expatriates in Australia: They have, as Lopez-Guerra points out Yet they have the vote in which to decide the outcome of the laws and consequences in the homeland.
On the other hand these expatriates might argue that their vote is a right earned, a constitutional right, and have contributed economically to their home country with which they still have tight links.
This contrast raises the very core of the two opposing arguments which is embodied in the act of Italian expatriate voting. Culture and Community in a Changing Society, St. Italy since , Oxford: Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs. Veneto migrants in Australia, Perth: University of Western Australian Press. Voting beyond territory and membership. Political Science and Politics 38, no. An Australian Perspective, Sydney: A study of assimilation, Melbourne: Clearing House on Migration Issues.
Culture and community in a changing society, Sydney: John Wiley and Sons Australia. Australian Government Publishing Service. Centre for Urban Research and Action. Australian Citizenship in the Twentieth Century, Melbourne: Cosmopolitan News, 13 May.
Institute for the Study of Labor. Ethnic politics in Australia, Sydney: Proporzionale ma non solo — Le elezioni politiche del , Bologna: A social history, Harlow, UK: Diasporas and the international system, Paper no. University of Washington Press. Familismo legale — Come non diventare italiani, Roma-Bari: University of New South Wales.
Australian National University Press. A community out of balance: Accessed 28 August http: Center for Immigration Studies. Oral accounts and newspaper articles provided many interpretations on what Italians thought about their new voting rights. There has long been speculation about the conservative, if not reactionary, nature of the Italian expatriate community.
For some, like AN supporter Mirko Tremaglia, there was an innate conviction that the political leaning of the vast majority of Italian emigrants was a conservative one. Yet there is no empirical evidence to support this view. The outcome of the and parliamentary elections demonstrated that stereotyping the voting behavior of expatriate Italians was entirely wide off the mark. We were also aware that virtually no previous studies at grassroots level of this kind had been conducted, be it in Italy or elsewhere.
Until this point, Italians in Australia had never been surveyed on issues concerning dual citizenship, political rights and national loyalty. The aim of our survey was to ascertain what understanding Italian-Australians had of the elections. We spoke to and interviewed many of the candidates of the and parliamentary elections above and beyond just the two candidates who were the ultimate winners. Their views, comments and opinions are sprinkled throughout this book.
The interviewees responded to a series of questions about their political background, their party policies, about the vote to Italians abroad and other telling items of use to the wider public. Unfortunately we were not in a position to interview all the candidates from the Africa-Asia-Oceania- Antarctica AAOA electoral college for both the and parliamentary elections.
We would have liked to include the views of those residing outside of Australia, namely candidates residing in New Zealand, Japan, Tunisia, Algeria and South Africa but this was not materially possible. Among many who later claimed to be the proponents of the legislation which reformed the expatriate vote between the years and , the most stubbornly persevering was Mirko Tremaglia.
Since the early s, he championed the idea of allowing Italian expatriates the option to vote in the Italian elections without returning to Italy on polling day. He also lobbied and supported the concept of parliamentary representation for the Italian expatriates. It removed from a voting standpoint any apparent different status between Italians in Italy and those abroad.
The principle which presides over the citizenship laws in Italy ius sanguinis is common to several countries around the world—Greece, Ireland and Germany to name a few.
Party Politics and The Engagement of Emigrants: The Case of Italy | IPSA
Yet, very few countries have extended the privileges of citizenship to external voting rights and parliamentary representation. While the right to vote to expatriate Italians provided they retained their Italian citizenship is now a reality, numerous other countries around the world also allow their expatriated populations to vote in national elections in one way or another, typically through their respective Embassies or Consulates. Some countries, which initially reserved seats in parliament for their expatriate communities, withdrew their support and suppressed the political representation.
This is, for instance, the case of Morocco. In the Italian case study, there is a double standard for foreigners who wish to apply for and obtain Italian citizenship. The strict criteria for Italian citizenship ius sanguinis-inspired are in contrast with the very liberal laws which bestow Italian citizenship by means of ancestry ties. Paradoxically, they have fewer rights than foreigners who can claim and obtain Italian citizenship, the majority of whom may have never set foot in Italy.
This double standard has been well documented by Zincone b. Access to Italian citizenship by means of ancestry has, in our opinion, institutionalised the notion of Italianness abroad, raising the questionable expectation of rights, rather than responsibilities, across boundaries and countries. Ancestry citizenship and the Italian expatriate vote strengthen this notion of Italianness abroad.
Discourses on promoting and fostering Italianness abroad were driven by Italian nationalism, rather than the generous extension of democratic rights to fellow citizens and their descendents no matter how much Italian blood is diluted through the generational lines. Some transnational and global features of the Italian expatriate vote have a national underpinning which characterises the legislation and seeks to reinforce the global, far-reaching notion of Italianness abroad.
Beyond the small circuit of Italian printed media and Italian language radio programs, the Italian expatriate vote as a community issue was hardly noticed, let alone discussed. Few public debates or seminars were provided by the Italian authorities and community leaders. Those interested had their eyes glued to developments in the Italian parliament. Some outside observers noted that the Law Number of should have been presented to Italians abroad with the possibility to allow them to indicate their preference through a referendum.
While researching for this book, instances of electoral deceit arose in relation to the parliamentary elections of and in Allegations of fraud were made from all sides of politics and to many it came as no surprise. Voting by correspondence, seen by some as the best option, nonetheless offered strong margins of potential breach.
There were tens of cases of alleged electoral fraud which were investigated by the Italian magistrates at the time of the elections. This was much less the case for the elections. However, no corrective actions ensued nor were changes made to the voting system. The impact of these events, which are still under investigation, was to put the Italian expatriate vote in a negative light in Italy as well as show up the fragility and potential abuse that could occur in the electoral process abroad.
The Italian authorities, despite their greatest intentions, failed to do anything about the alleged abuses and the same faulty system was used in the elections. In order to discuss the Italian elections in Australia, a background study of Italians in public life and Australian politics is undertaken.
This is a telling commentary and one that captures the tone and reality of lack of involvement, engagement and integration of Italians in public life in Australia.
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There are many explanations for this which are addressed and discussed in this book. The Italian elections of and and the representatives elected and based in Australia, somewhat shocked the Australian media as it tried to unravel its meaning and consequences. Our study reveals that the Australian media overall provided little coverage of Italian events, and less so of Italian political events. Equally evident is that Italy and the Italian community in Australia has assumed little importance in Australian affairs as reported by the media and were it not for the migration of Italians there would be no or little interest in this country at all.
In short, Italy is a country and people that rarely occupied the Australian imagination. Almost coincidently, during and the Italian elections, a debate ensued in Australia on dual citizenship and the responsibilities and loyalties required of Australian citizens residing.
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Yet, at the same time such legislation became more restrictive on acquisition of Australian citizenship in response to changes in global demography over the years. Australian authorities were initially opposed in principle to allowing Italian elections to take place in Australia.
Events in Canada, in which the Canadian Government expressed strong reservations in allowing Italian elections to be conducted on its soil are also examined in this book. In a recent study undertaken by Michael Fullilove of the Lowy Institute of Sydney it was clear that continuing migration of peoples around the world, or diasporas, are a fact of life. His argument is that these diasporas are a result of factors all bound up with globalisation Fullilove The idea is to verify the substance of the widespread criticism surrounding the political representation for external voters, namely that it grants the right to vote to uninformed and uninterested people who usually Forms of Political Transnationalism: The External Voting of the Italians in Sydney.
Related Forms of Political Transnationalism: The External Voting of the Italians in Sydney
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